‘n Mens kan geneig wees om te dink dat Afrikaners geen vriende in ander lande het nie. In werklikheid is daar al hoe meer ingeligte, denkende mense wat die situasie van blankes in sowel die ou as die nuwe Suid-Afrika goed verstaan. Dit is veral die geval in lande wat reeds lank ‘n aansienlike (oproerige) swart bevolking het, bv Amerika. Sedert die Tweede Wêreldoorlog het die grootskaalse immigrasie uit die Derde Wêreld na Brittanje en die Europese vasteland begrip vir die dilemma waarin Suid-Afrikaanse blankes verkeer aansienlik aangewakker. In tradisioneel (grootliks) monokulturele lande was daar tot enkele dekades gelede geen werklike besef van die sosiale probleme wat die saambestaan van radikaal verskillende etniese denk- en leefwyses veroorsaak nie. Weens dure eerstehandse ervaring het insig hierin in baie Europese lande eers in hierdie eeu merkbaar geword. Heldersiende blankes in Westerse lande besef deesdae toenemend dat dit nie meer net gaan om die behoud van hulle tradisionele kultuur in hulle eie land nie, maar ook om die voortbestaan van die blanke groep as sodanig. Blankes het wêreldwyd ‘n bedreigde spesie geword, soos aangetoon deur bv Lothrop Stoddard (Praag 28.02.2015). Hierdie insig het ongelukkig eers na 1994 werklik in die buiteland posgevat, dus nadat die blanke politieke bewind in Suid-Afrika weens verraad in eie geledere reeds ondergegaan het.
Wat die blanke bewind in Suid-Afrika gedoen het, word deesdae dikwels tot rassesegregasie verskraal. Wat andersins tot stand gebring is en deesdae deur die nuwe bewindhebbers benut en deurgetrek word, word geïgnoreer. In die koloniale era was rassesegregasie die standaardbeleid wat ontwikkeling en vooruitgang in ‘n ordelike samelewing moontlik gemaak het. Apartheid het uit kolonialisme voortgespruit en het as afsonderlike ontwikkeling die potensiaal gehad om verskillende etniese groepe polities en kultureel tot hulle reg te laat kom. Dit is waarom daar groot begrip in veral die suidelike state van Amerika vir apartheid is en toenemend in ander Westerse lande, wat die erge negatiewe gevolge van die invloei van immigrante uit die Derde Wêreld ervaar.
Die huidige energie- en planloosheid van die plaaslike blanke politiek spruit nie soseer voort uit skaamte oor apartheid nie, al is dit wat die nuwe bewindhebbers ons probeer wysmaak, gerugsteun deur “meningsvormers” soos Leopold Scholtz (Praag 29 Mei). Die blankes en veral die Afrikaners is verdwaas en skaam oor die verraderlike manier waarop hulle eie mense hulle mandaatloos aan swart mag uitverkoop het. Dit kan ‘n geruime tyd duur voordat genoeg blankes tot verhaal kom en strategieë bedink en deurvoer wat sowel hulle voortbestaan as die behou van hulle kultuur verseker.
Wat Suid-Afrikaanse blankes (veral Afrikaners) deesdae daagliks in toenemende mate ervaar, is pogings tot kulturele uitwissing. ‘n Sprekende aktuele voorbeeld is die afskaling en selfs afskaffing van Afrikaans. Hierin neem verloopte Afrikaners dikwels die leiding. Wêreldwyd ervaar blankes ook reeds in ‘n mate hierdie kultuur van kultuurvernietiging, maar in die Weste tans nog op ‘n baie kleiner skaal as plaaslik. In die Weste is blanke kultuurvernietiging dus in groot mate toekomsmusiek. Soos in die res van Afrika (Kenia, Zimbabwe, Namibië) is blanke kultuurvernietiging in Suid-Afrika, met sy verswelgende 80%+ swart meerderheid, egter ‘n eietydse dodemars. Veral Afrikaners is hopelik bestem om hierdie doodsmusiek met die uitbundige sing van bv ‘Die Stem’ te verdring.
In hierdie konteks skryf ek vandag na aanleiding van ‘n Amerikaanse publikasie, The great erasure: The reconstruction of white identity, edited by Richard B Spencer (Whitefish, MT: Washington Summit Publishers, 2012, 300p; Amazon Kindle $9,11).
In die inleiding beskryf Spencer die inhoud van hierdie bundel opstelle soos volg:
“Its theme is the deconstruction of European, White identity worldwide – in terms of culture, politics, and historical heritage. It ultimately entails the destruction of Europeans as a unique biological entity. Though it was not planned this way at the outset, South Africa – and the Boer people in particular – serves as a Leitmotif throughout the collection. It seems that in the ghettos and security fences of contemporary Johannesburg, and in plucky Boer ethno-communities like Orania, one sees the worldwide status of the White man laid bare. He faces formidable challenges; the greatest of which is not, in fact, demographic decline, but that he has become the Zeitgeist‘s favorite villian” (Kindle 38).
“Beyond the crisis in South Africa, the experience of European peoples worldwide can be said to be distinctly ‘post-Apartheid’, ‘post-colonial’, and ‘post-national’. The White man lives in a world his race once dominated – and in which Black and Brown are now colonizers, in which European heritage is being taken away piece by piece: cultural heroes, literature, popular icons, identity – ultimately, everything. The Boers themselves can be counted as exceptional in this regard, for … they are actively resisting these trends and have not lost their self-respect and will to survive” (46).
Dít is waar van die regte Afrikaners; nie van die verlooptes nie. ‘n Verloopte Afrikaner is iemand wat bv sy eie mense doelbewus benadeel en ander mense bevoordeel; wat bv sy eie mense onnodig slegmaak en ander mense haas onherkenbaar goedpraat en onvoorwaardelik ondersteun.
Alex Kurtagic skryf: “‘Immigration’ is no longer an adequate term to describe the social, political, and racial transformation resulting from mass migration” (57). “Immigration” het ‘n eufemisme vir “invasion” geword. “Guillaume Faye calls it ‘colonization'”* (60). Faktore wat hierdie verskynsel vertroebel, is die omvang, permanensie en nie-assimileerbaarheid van hierdie immigrante. “It is well known that Third World settlers in the West … take advantage of the indigenous’ welfare state and concessionary provisions, and that these benefits are often a reason for immigrating in the first place; indeed, on the whole, these settlers consume more than they produce” (213). [Die verwysing is na Faye se boek, The colonisation of Europe, (2016, 330p; Amazon Kindle $12,53).]
Die frase “settler colonialism” is aanvanklik gebruik vir die baie positiewe dinge (uit die Westerse oogpunt) wat histories voortvloeiend uit blanke immigrasie in bv Suid-Afrika, Israel en Amerika gebeur het. “Among the characteristics of settler colonialism is that settlers come to stay and do not appeal to the established indigenous sovereignty, but rather deny it and seek to remove it in order to replace it with a reproduction or regeneration of their own society” (145).
Hierdie blanke setlaars het die genoemde drie lande dramaties ontwikkel/verbeter. Wat opgebou is, word deesdae deur revolusionêre magte bedreig. Die oogmerk is “to recast European society in their image” (201). Sedert 1990/1994 is Europese beskawing in Suid-Afrika al hoe meer deur afrikanisering verdring. In Israel word die Joodse beskawing aktief deur Palestyne/Arabiere/Moslems ondergrawe. Sedert veral die jare sestig word die blanke beskawing in Amerika deur gewelddadige swartes gyselaar gehou. Anders as die Hispaniste, Asiate en Indiane is die swartes die enigste Amerikaanse minderheidsgroep wat hulle (by voorkeur) tot geweld wend om politieke oogmerke te bereik. Lees gerus John D Skrentny se gesaghebbende boek, The minority rights revolution (Cambridge, Mass: Harvard University Press, 2002, 496p; Amazon Kindle $28,16). Die gewelddadige voorbeeld wat deur Amerikaanse swartes gestel word, is en word steeds slaafs deur swartes in Suid-Afrika nagevolg. Kurtagic beweer selfs: “Indigenous Others are rarely virtuous” (190) en hy vestig die aandag op die “often dysfunctional nature of Third World societies” (236).
In Suid-Afrika het die blankes aanvanklik per skip hier aangekom terwyl die swartes dit ongeveer dieselfde tyd te voet gedoen het. In die Weste (Amerika en Europa) het die swartes ná die blankes daar aangekom. “Most likely, given the multiracial character of settler colonization in the West, is that one ethnicity would gain the ascendancy over all the others, and it would be they who become the new indigenous. The Bantus in South Africa provide a historical example” (265).
Kurtagic sonder Jode, veral “radical Marxist Jews,” uit as diegene “that subjected traditional European identity and institutions to radical critiques. Their effect was die gradual deprecation of European tradition and racial identity and the development of universalism to its logical extreme. Interacting with guilt as the primary method of social control in the West, this made it possible even for genetically distant immigrants eventually to become legislators because it had become impossible for the indigenous to argue against exclusion based on race” (283). Kurtagic dink hier veral aan Brittanje, Wes-Europa en Amerika. Hy noem “changes in legislation that privilege settlers over the indigenous, abdication of indigenous racial consciousness as a morally legitimate cognitive structure, or discrimination policies against the indigenous designed disproportionately to enchance settlers’ access to higher education and the job market” (288).
“Third World settler colonization of the West is possible only as a result of a uniquely Western ideology (egalitarianism) and an autochthonous political system (democracy), both of which morally and ideologically disarm the indigenous against settler ascendancy and predation” (300). “Settler colonization is … a game of erasure: settlers erase or are erased” (318). “The single biggest impediment to Whites’ avoiding erasure is the hegemonic belief in the West in equality as an absolute moral good … Whites in Europe and North America, as well as in former colonies … currently lack a moral theory … with which to justify and secure their continuity. Unless a new moral theory of difference can be formulated to support an ideology and legal framework that both justifies and enables its self-preservation as a unique biological entity in their own homelands, the White race faces complete erasure from the earth” (323).
In sy essay skryf Andy Nowicki: “Compared to the rest of Africa … Blacks actually prospered in Apartheid-era South Africa” (364). Hy verwys na rolprente se “simplistic cinematic morality … with noble and magic Negro/White liberal heroes and hateful, mean-faced, invariably Afrikaner villians” (356). Wat literatuur betref is daar diegene “who want to dethrone the ‘Dead White Male’ Western canon and have us all reading crappy books written by semi-literate Aboriginal Eskimo albino lesbian hunchbacked cripples out of deference to a specious ‘inclusivity'” (376). Sedert 1994 “Johannesburg is newly notorious … as the rape and murder capital of the world” (395).
“Blacks have turned on the Boer nation – their former rulers – with particularly hateful ferocity … The democratically-elected ANC government changes the names of Afrikaans roads and cities in a transparent effort to punish the people who they felt oppressed them in the past, and imposes ruthless and insane racial quotas upon businesses and social services – even to the point where, for example, prospective black doctors in medical school are held to far less rigorous standards than their White counterparts, in order to increase the representation of Black doctors … White farmers (predominantly Afrikaner) are asked to cede ever more of their private property in the interests of agricultural affirmative action; meanwhile, farm murders continue apace in a steady, dreary campaign of terror” (428).
Nowicki verwys na “irresponsible, vindictive anti-White rhetoric and propaganda, creating an atmosphere of hate” (434). Die blankes “accept responsibility” vir wat hulle doen. Die swartes, daarenteen, “replace responsibility” (452). Byvoorbeeld, daar is “mounting Black frustration over unemployment and poverty, which haven’t improved and have in fact largely worsened since Mandela’s election in 1994, but both of which are still commonly blamed on the ‘legacy of Apartheid’ and White racism and colonialism” (476).
Tydens sy besoek aan Suid-Afrika het Nowicki met Dan Roodt, “a distinguished writer and long-standing Afrikaner activist,” gesprek gevoer. Hy haal Roodt soos volg aan: “In South Africa, we have the most violent peacetime society in the world … It’s almost like a low-intensity war” (501). “Roodt blames the ‘climate of hate’ created by an ANC-dominated education system. ‘South African Blacks are more anti-White than any population in the world … It’s a part of this whole “victim” mentality. The ANC has created a fictional past “reality” that feeds the present violence'” (501). “Foremost among the goals of Roodt and others like him is to forge an authentic Afrikaner homeland, a place where the descendents of the historic ‘Boers’ can feel safe and can be assured of their legitimate interests being protected” (538).
Sommige Afrikaners “have staked their hopes on the prospect of seceding from the current wreck of a ‘Rainbow Nation,’ and constructing a kind of Boer ethno-state in its very midst, with the intention of reclaiming their genetic and cultural self-determination, and saving the Afrikaner identity from dilution and eventual extinction” (558). Nowicki verwys na twee konkrete voorbeelde van etniese gemeenskappe: Orania en Kleinfontein (558). Die refrein wat hy daar gehoor het, is “self-reliance” (575) en “self-sufficient” (580).
Daar is sowat 5 miljoen blankes wat 9% van die Suid-Afrikaanse bevolking van meer as 50 miljoen uitmaak (580), “with the untold numbers of non-White illegal immigrants pouring in daily through the porous northern border, rendering the Whites of the country even more racially outnumbered. Of that five million, it’s estimated that around three and a half million are of Afrikaner descent – the rest being chiefly British. With such dwindling minority status, Afrikaners zealous to maintain their heritage must take particular precautions” (587). Hy skryf goed ingelig oor die trotse geskiedenis van die ou Suid-Afrika, maar kom dan tot hierdie gevolgtrekking: Die Afrikaner se “country, in essence, no longer exists” (792).
In sy artikel bevestig Derek Turner wat Nowicki geskryf het: In die ou Suid-Afrika “life for the ordinary people was infinitely better than anywhere else between the Limpopo and the Sahara” (878). Hy meld “the British had introduced laws discriminating against Blacks as early as 1847” (1019). Daar is hierdie verwarrende sin: “In 1994, the world had its way, and White voters voted two to one in favour of power-sharing” (1057). In 1992 was daar ‘n referendum waarin toestemming van die blanke kiesers vir onderhandeling met die oog op politieke magsdeling verkry is. Daar is toe plegtig maar valslik belowe dat enige ooreenkoms in ‘n latere referendum aan die blanke kiesers vir goedkeuring voorgelê sou word. Dit is nooit gedoen nie. FW de Klerk het sy flagrante versuim probeer regverdig met die redenasie dat magsoorgawe en sy belofte van magsdeling eintlik maar dieselfde is. In 1994 was daar ‘n een mens, een stem verkiesing wat nie politieke magsdeling as resultaat gehad het nie maar revolusionêre oorheersing deur swart mag.
“Gallant writers (always too few), like Dan Roodt, Philip du Toit, and Ilana Mercer*, have written powerfully of what had happened since – the increasing inefficiency and corruption of government, the decline in public health, the coarsening of culture, the humiliations visited upon the former masters by the former servants, the symbolic renaming of landmarks – the carjackings, the robberies, the rapes, the drive-by shootings, and, most symbolically of all, the farm murders. The proud pioneers who persuaded the deserts to bloom … are being picked off one by one” (1063). “A few … lounge Lenins are even now attempting to assure Afrikanerdom’s extirpation … Many have already outspanned overseas – strangely enough, often those who decided not to be racists, not to be fools, and so voted for power-sharing. But many others have nowhere to go or cannot afford to leave, and must take their chances in a country which has already changed hugely and will every year become less familiar and less safe” (1080). [* Ilana Mercer, Into the cannibal’s pot (Praag 29.12.2013).]
“Afrikaners … for the foreseeable future exist on sufferance, playing a loaded game by alien rules, swimming in an ocean of Others … For the foreseeable future, they are constrained to do what persecuted peoples have always done in evil times – inspan into Bantustans of their own, look in on themselves and heal their hurts, tend the groves and mend the walls, teach the children and make plans. But howsoever hurt, they still have strengths – their tried and tested faith, their cultural identity, their shared history, their close links to the landscape – and inside the timidest heart subsists something of the psalm-singing corduroy commandos who once set the world at defiance, and may one day ride again” (1085).
In sy hoofstuk skryf KR Bolton: “While Washington pursued its decolonization agenda, the White peoples of Africa simply became collateral damage,” bv vir “the thugs who hold sway today in former Rhodesia and South Africa. Washington not only left the Whites to their fate but actually empowered their Black enemies and usurpers” (1203), bv met studiebeurse uitsluitlik vir swart studente. “The strategy to destroy White rule in Rhodesia [was] … a pincer movement of terrorism from below and economic pressure from above” (1305). “In former Rhodesia, 4 000 farmers have been driven from their land” (1332).
“South Africa, the final redoubt of White rule anywhere in the world, lost its vision after the assassination of Prime Minister Hendrik Verwoerd in 1966” (1317). “Since ‘liberation’ in 1994, over 3 000 White farmers have been killed. The old ANC slogan is again popular: ‘One settler, one bullet!’ ‘Kill the Boer, kill the farmer!’ ‘Maak dood die wit man'” (1332).
Ek verskaf slegs twee aanhalings uit Colin Liddell se opstel. “One of the functions of civilization is to shape its people, to give them a collective set of precepts, a way of looking at the world, and an identity” (2754). Die Weste het sy morele kompas verloor. “The morality of the West becomes the enforcement of the anti-morality: gay rights, the mass murder of fetuses, a culture of divorce and one-parent families, the privileges of the immigrant over the rights of the indigenous, the enforced equivalence of all forms of dysfunction with normalcy; while its identitarianism becomes a negative one of not belonging to the despised groups, the ‘racists,’ ‘neo-Nazis,’ and ‘haters,’ who crave a positive civilizational identity” (2761).
Samuel Francis delf in die geskiedenis van die eerste blankes en gebruik gevolglik die term “Ariërs”. Hy verwys na Jared Taylor se mening: “Every other race tends to think in terms of its own race and group, and, ‘Only whites pretend that pluralism and displacement are good things and that the measures necessary to ensure group survival may be immoral.’ We tend to think that way because we are naturally prone to transcend subjective and particular interests and to idealize what is objective and universal. But this misapplication of a natural and healthy Aryan instinct is not in itself natural but rather the result of ethical and philosophical confusions that have arisen in modern times” (3286). Die “Aryans … never confused honor with equality or sameness” (3308).
“I do not see that such traits as missionary activity, the passion to improve or change the world, the elimination of hereditary class differences, competition according to individual ability, concern for the natural environment are particularly characteristic of Aryans, however. Some of these may be desirable traits, though they have obviously gone far beyond what was really characteristic of early Aryans and what can be useful for white racial survival. Nevertheless, some of them, such as missionary activities and crusading to change or reform society, may well ultimately derive from Aryan dynamism and expansionism, while competition according to individual merit may be a modern form of single combat and a reflection of Aryan individuality. The modern demand to eliminate hereditary class distinctions may be an exaggerated but not very healthy version of this instinct” (3314). Ek is geneig om teen oorgeërfde klasse (soos die koninklikes en aristokrate) te wees, maar die uitwissing van alle klasse, insluitende meriete gebaseerde klasse, is ‘n simptoom van die ongesonde gelykverklaringsmanie.
“What is important to understand, however, is that Aryans, because of their Faustian dynamism and individuality, seem to be especially prone to misapplications of their most ennobling traits, and when the modern ideologies of egalitarianism, leveling, feminism, and universalism are joined to forces such as modern capitalism and technology, the danger of losing contact with and understanding of the natural propensities of our own racial character and of misunderstanding their limits and proper functions is great” (3325). Blankes/Afrikaners moet hulle nie laat intimideer deur diegene wat skynbaar skaam oor hulle etnisiteit is nie. Eeue lank was blankheid die aanvaarde norm waarna ander etnisiteite gestreef het. Ons kan en behoort ons steeds trots op blankheid te beroep wanneer dit ons pas.
Wat plaasgevind het, is “the alienation of modern European man from his natural inclinations and ancient heritage … we can work to correct the misapplications of our talents and traits, to eradicate the confusions and degenerations of modern mass democracy and culture, and eventually to restore or create anew a social, political, and cultural order that incorporates and reflects the healthy and natural instincts of our race” (3330). Dus, “we can make the enduring characteristics of our race serve us again in our endless quest to meet the destiny of European man” (3336).
