Webwerwe en sport is volk se opium

Ek het net vlugtig deur sommige van u artikels en twee briewe gelees. Dit het maar net weer bevestig wat ek al jare weet: die Afrikaner met sy buitengewone skerp brein is in staat om hoghe redenasies aan te voor en ellelange relase te opper wat etlike honderde woorde beslaan waar hy in drie sinne kon sê wat hy wou sê (net soos die predikante). In hierdie verband verwys ek u graag na die artikel van Gustav Venter, "Lang lemme in die nag"; hy is wel ter tale en het ‘n goeie skryfstyl, soos hy in sy ellelange relaas ten toon gestel het. Hy kon maar net gesê het die swart massa haat die blanke (Helen Zille inkluis) en sal poog om van hulle ontslae te raak op ‘n wrede manier. Hy kon in nog ‘n paragraaf of twee sy redenasies genoem het en dit sou voldoende wees. So terloops hy is taamlik in die kol met sommige dinge in die artikel, net jammer ek moes soveel tyd bestee om dit uit te vind.

Die Afrikaner hou hom nog net soos destyds, toe die HNP hom gewaarsku het teen wat aan die kom is, met beuselagtighede soos o.a. webwerwe en sport besig; ekself is in hierdie verband nie ‘n uitsondering nie. Die webwerwe word gebruik vir oefeninge in welsprekendheid waar allerhande raad uitgedeel word soos bv. die brief van Klaas Krissen. Wie wil u oortuig dat die Afrikaner "gatvol" is? Die ANC weet dit lankal en steur hulle hoegenaamd nie daaraan nie, miskien moet u in dié verband ‘n ope brief aan die DA rig, hulle weet dit dalk nog nie. Enigeen/organisasie wat die Bloubul-ondersteuners van Loftus af kan weghou, sal in die geskiedenis onthou word as iemand wat ’n wonderwerk verrig het. Die goeie nuus is: die regime met sy nuwe sportwetgewing gaan dit dalk regkry, nie omdat hulle wonderwerke kan verrig nie, maar omrede  hulle die Bloubulle gaan vernietig.

Die "Powers that be",  wie hulle ook al mag wees, het ‘n onfeilbare paddakookmetode ontwikkel, naamlik "praathuise".   Hierdie huise neem verskillende gedaantes aan, bv. politiek en meer letterlik die parlement (dink maar net hoe die NP mense besig gehou het met nuttelose argumente en redenasies soos bv. wigte en teenwigte), Radio Pretoria, briewekolomme in koerante en op webwerwe, ens. Dit hou die Afrikaner besig met bespiegelings oor wat kan gebeur, gee hom plek waar hy drastiese menings kan lug en dien as weerligafleier vir sy frustasie deur by hom die illusie te skep dat hy besig is om iets vir sy volk se redding te doen.   Die volk neem uit die aard van sy praat-baie-en-doen-niks-ingesteldheid entoesiasties deel, hou homself besig met voorstelle vir aksies (en dan en wan ‘n flouerige aksiepoging) en onbenullige welsprekende rubrieke, terwyl die vyand sy ondergang beplan en uitvoer.    

Die Afrikaners sal weer saamstaan as hulle met die rug teen die muur gedwing word deur magte van buite en dit kom so seker as wat ek hierdie ellange nuttelose menings en/of inligting op u webwerf kwytgeraak het.

бытовые насосыОлександр Васильович Фільчаков

US urges complaint against IAEA

The United States wants its allies to join in a formal protest against the head of the U.N. nuclear watchdog agency for suggesting that Iran be allowed to keep some elements of its uranium enrichment program, diplomats said Tuesday.

They said Washington fears the comments from the head of the International Atomic Energy Agency could undermine U.N. Security Council’s effort to pressure Tehran into fully scrapping enrichment.

The Americans apparently are concerned Mohamed ElBaradei’s statements could exacerbate traditional splits between Russia and China and the United States, Britain and France, the three other permanent Security Council members.

While the Western council members have traditionally pushed for tough sanctions on Iran, opposition by Moscow and Beijing has led them to settle for watered-down sanctions less rigid than they originally proposed since the first set was agreed on Dec. 23.

The U.S. mission to the IAEA had no immediate comment beyond confirming that mission head Gregory L. Schulte was in Washington for “consultations.”

Diplomats, who insisted on anonymity because of the delicate nature of the issue, spoke to The Associated Press before the release of a report from ElBaradei that could act as a trigger for a third set of Security Council sanctions on Iran.

Their revelations exposed a hardening of positions on how to deal with Iran’s enrichment program, which potentially could produce material for nuclear bombs. Iran denies that is its goal, saying it wants only to produce fuel for nuclear reactors that generate electricity.

In public remarks over the past two weeks, ElBaradei said he feels it is too late to force Tehran to scrap its enrichment program as demanded by the Security Council and argued instead for implementing inspection safeguards to prevent an expansion of the program.

“I believe that (U.N.) demand has been superseded by events,” ElBaradei told the Spanish newspaper ABC. Instead, he said, “the important thing now is to concentrate on Iran not taking it to industrial scale.”

Iran’s ultimate stated goal is running 54,000 centrifuges to churn out enriched uranium – enough for dozens of nuclear warheads a year.

Some members of the IAEA’s decision-making 35-nation board share ElBaradei’s view. But the U.S. and its closest board allies, including Britain, France, Australia, Canada and Japan, fear such comments could weaken Security Council resolve on punishing Iran for defying the U.N. demand.

Agency officials refused to comment on details of the report ahead of its release to board members and the Security Council. But it was expected to confirm information leaked over the past weeks that Iran has demanded the demand for a suspension of enrichment and expanded that work.

With the council’s deadline for Iranian compliance coming Thursday, the report could set the stage for further sanctions against the Islamic republic.

Despite Iranian insistence its nuclear program has only peaceful intentions, it has been hit with two sets of U.N. sanctions because of suspicions bred by nearly two decades of Tehran’s clandestine nuclear activities, including questionable black-market acquisitions of equipment and blueprints that appear linked to weapons plans.

The diplomats said Tuesday that the IAEA’s report would likely confirm that Iran has assembled more than 1,600 centrifuges at its underground facility at Natanz and is running about 1,300 of them, producing small amounts of uranium enriched to about 5 percent.

While that level is far below the 90 percent needed to produce weapons, the number of centrifuges running – and producing enriched material – is grounds for concern for the Security Council because it documents an expanding and functioning program.

The last report from ElBaradei three months ago put the number of connected centrifuges at around 1,000 and said no enrichment had begun.

One of the diplomats said the report would additionally likely suggest that Iranian experts had ironed out many of the glitches hamstringing enrichment efforts only a few months ago that had caused breakdowns in experimental, smaller-scale centrifuge operations.

“This is a program that is well on its way to full development,” he said. “And if they can enrich to 5 percent, there is no potential limit to how high they can enrich.”

машины на пульте управленииОлександр Фільчаков прокурор

Viewers disappear

Maybe they’re outside in the garden. They could be playing softball. Or perhaps they’re just plain bored.

In TV’s worst spring in recent memory, a startling number of Americans drifted away from television the past two months: More than 2.5 million fewer people were watching ABC, CBS, NBC and Fox than at the same time last year, statistics show.

Everyone has a theory to explain the plummeting ratings: early Daylight Savings Time, more reruns, bad shows, more shows being recorded or downloaded or streamed.

[…]

Scariest of all for the networks, however, is the idea that many people are now making their own television schedules. The industry isn’t fully equipped to keep track of them, and as a result the networks are scrambling to hold on to the nearly $8.8 billion they collected during last spring’s ad-buying season.

"This may be the spring where we see a radical shift in the way the culture thinks of watching TV," said Sarah Bunting, co-founder of the Web site Television Without Pity.

The viewer plunge couldn’t have come at a worse time for the networks — next week they will showcase their fall schedules to advertisers in the annual "up front" presentations.

The networks argue that viewership is changing, not necessarily declining. Some advertisers respond that they are no longer willing to pay full price up front to reach viewers that may not tune in later.

This fall, both sides will be watching what happens with families like Tony Cort’s. During prime-time, Cort, his wife and four kids tend to scatter to computers or other activities in different parts of their New Jersey home. (Not during "American Idol" or "Lost," though.) They’re definitely watching less TV, said Cort, who runs a Web site for martial arts aficionados.

"I remember when ’24’ was on, that was something there was a lot of interest and excitement about," he said.

News flash: "24" is still on. Its ratings are down, too, amid a critically savaged season.

More bad news abounds. NBC set a record last month for its least-watched week during the past 20 years, and maybe ever — then broke it a week later. This is the least popular season ever for CBS’ "Survivor." ABC’s "Lost" has lost nearly half its live audience — more than 10 million people — from the days it was a sensation. "The Sopranos" (a show that has earned broadcast-network-like ratings in the past) is ending on HBO, and the response is a collective yawn.

Events like "American Idol" on Fox (which is owned by News Corp.) and "Dancing With the Stars" on ABC (owned by The Walt Disney Co.) are doing the most to prop up the industry. But still, in the six weeks after Daylight Savings Time started in early March, prime-time viewership for the four biggest broadcast networks was down to 37.6 million people, from 40.3 million during the same period in 2006, according to Nielsen Media Research.
Missing money

Millions of missing viewers could translate into millions of missing dollars for the networks heading into the up-front sales season.

Advertisers don’t believe that the drop in viewership is as dramatic as the numbers suggest, but they’re no longer willing to spend what they once did in the spring market, said Brad Adgate of Horizon Media, an ad buying firm. Johnson & Johnson and Coca-Cola sat out the spring market last year — betting they could get lower prices later — and it’s likely other companies will do the same this year, he said.

The early start to Daylight Savings Time has hurt ratings. Prime-time viewership traditionally dips then as people do more things outside, and this year folks had a three-week head start to get into the habit of doing something else. More network reruns during March and April dampened interest, too.

"We let them get out of the habit of watching television a little bit, and it’s going to take some time to get these people back in front of their television sets," said David Poltrack, chief researcher for CBS (owned by CBS Corp.).

Strategic decisions to send some popular serial dramas on long hiatuses appeared to backfire. NBC’s "Heroes," CBS’ "Jericho" and "Lost" lost significant momentum when they returned. Besides HBO’s "The Sopranos," there are no lengthy countdowns toward the end of very popular series, unless you count "The King of Queens."

[…]

This year, for the first time, Nielsen is measuring viewership in the estimated 17 percent of homes with digital video recorders _ but it only counts them in the ratings of a specific show if they watch it within 24 hours of the original air time.

If you recorded "Desperate Housewives" this spring and watched it two days later, you’re not counted in the show’s ratings. And you’re not counted by Nielsen under any circumstances if you downloaded a show on iTunes and watched it on your iPod or cell phone, or streamed an episode from a network Web site.

Since last year’s Nielsen sample contained no DVR homes and this year’s sample does, logic dictates that fewer Nielsen families are watching TV live this year, deflating ratings.

"People are not consuming less television, they’re watching it in different ways, and the measurements haven’t caught up," said Alan Wurtzel, chief research executive at NBC (owned by General Electric Co.).

The numbers can be significant. When "The Office" aired on NBC on April 5, Nielsen said there were 5.8 million people watching. Add in the people who recorded the episode and watched it within the next week, and viewership swelled to 7.6 million, a 32 percent increase, Nielsen said.

"The Sopranos" is another interesting case study. For its first four episodes this season, the show averaged 7.4 million viewers for its weekly Sunday night premiere, down from 8.9 million at the same point its last season.

But HBO shows each new episode eight times a week. Between the multiple plays and DVR viewing, each episode this spring gets 11.1 million viewers, down from 13 million last year. And these figures don’t count people who watch on demand.

Numbers for "The Sopranos" may be down because people can watch whenever they want. They may not be as interested in the show as they used to be — or it could be a combination of both.

Television has made billions based on how many people watch a show at its regular time. That idea may already be obsolete. So should the industry use DVR viewing when setting ad rates? If so, how quickly must people watch the shows — within two days? A week? What about people who watch shows on their cell phones or on network Web sites, which Nielsen doesn’t measure yet? Later this month Nielsen will begin measuring how many people watch commercials. Should those be used to compute advertising costs?

Right now, none of those questions have answers.

However, "if we continue to do business assuming people will watch television as they always have," said NBC’s Wurtzel, "it’s a dead-end game."

 

воронеж ящикипрокурор Фильчаков

Meimaand is werklik geskiedenismaand

’n Artikel wat ek in die afgelope vier jaar meer nageslaan het as enige ander een, is een wat Dan Roodt geskryf het in die Rapport, 18 Mei 2003. “Meimaand is geskiedenismaand”. Op die 19de Mei 2003, het ons van vroegdag af bibberkoud op die Paleis van Justisie se trappe gestaan en koes vir kameralense. Rondom ons was ’n atmosfeer van afwagting, ’n energie vreemd aan enige iets anders in ons ervaringsveld. Strate was afgekordon, sirenes het geloei, daar was blou uniforms net waar jy kyk, TV-kamers het gerol, gewone kameras het geflits, ’n helikopter het bo ons oor die plein gesirkel – ’n hele Hollywood movie… Net, ons was nie filmsterre nie. Hoewel ’n klompie van ons wel die erns van die saak deeglik besef het, het gode sy dank, nie een van ons daardie dag geweet wat nog op ons wag nie.

Ek het vroegoggend op hierdie herdenking van daardie dag weer Dan Roodt se artikel gelees. Toevallig verwys hy juis in die laaste paragraaf na die sogenaamde Boeremag met al die toevallighede daarom heen  – die Paleis van Justisie, die Rivonia-verhoor, die prokureur betrokke met die naam van Paul Kruger, die juridiese aspekte.

Min het ons daardie dag geweet dat Meimaand ook ons geskeidenismaand sal bly.

Op 3 Mei 2006 kry Herman van Rooyen en Rudi Gouws dit reg om uit die Hooggeregshof te ontsnap en agt maande soek te bly.

Op 16 Mei vanjaar sterf Herman Scheepers, beskuldigde nr. 5 in die saak. Hy is vandag(19 Mei) op Piet Retief begrawe. Hy het maande lank stukkie vir stukkie gesterwe aan die gevolge van ’n breinvirus. As gevolg van die erns van sy siekte het hy darem borg gekry en sy vrou en dogters kon hom sy laaste dae in hul eie huis versorg.

Net laas week het die 138ste getuie begin getuig. ’n Senior Superintendent (hanteerder van die eerste getuie) is in terme van artikel 204 van die Strafproseswet gewaarsku dat hy slegs vrywaring kan kry van moontlike strafregtelike vervolging indien hy die hof kan oortuig dat hy die waarheid praat. Die klagtes: besit van ’n onwettige vuurwapen, besit van plofstof en meineed. Meineed: oor getuienis wat hy in die onderskeie borgaansoeke van beskuldigdes 1 tot 4, wat steeds in aanhouding is, gelewer het.

Dan Roodt se artikel het my daardie tyd al daarop gewys, dat toevallighede in geskiedenis verander en ek het daardie dag op die trappe besef dat ons midde in die geskiedenis staan.  Sy aanhaling van Andrè Malraux het aan my kom klou:

“Vir my het die politiek nog nooit bestaan nie. Wat wel bestaan, is geskiedenis.”

Anita du Plessis is een van die “Boeremagvrouens” wie se mans tans aangehou word en op aanklagte van hoogverraad verhoor word.компрессор воздушный ремезаОлександр Фільчаков прокурор

Naspers se plan met die Afrikaner

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Naspers se aartsvyand?

Die aanslag op Bok van Blerk in onlangse uitgawes van Beeld en ander koerante het betrekking. Die feit dat Naspers besluit het om Bok te verguis, verbaas my geensins nie. Om die waarheid te sê, dit verstom my eerder dat dit hulle so lank geneem het om daarmee te begin.

Naspers bevind hom in ’n geweldige dilemma. Terwyl daardie mediahuis die ANC en lg. se beleid vooropstel moet dit terselfdertyd sy koerante aan sy oorwegend Afrikanermark verkoop.  Die krisis waarin Naspers verkeer, is dat sy ideologiese sentrum, nl. die ANC, aktief die blanke, maar veral die Afrikaner, probeer ondergrawe. Soos wat Afrikanernasionalisme te midde van die groeiende anargie in die NSA ontwaak, word hierdie tameletjie toenemend taai.

Aangesien die mediagroep nou volledig onder die beheer van ’n handjievol bruin Marxiste en (eertydse?) Broederbonders staan, is daar geen voorneme om die Afrikaner se belange te bevorder nie. Inteendeel, Naspers het ’n renons in Afrikaners en sou seker, as hulle kon, eerder vir die swart mark publiseer. Die probleem is egter dat die swart mark nie so winsgewend soos die Afrikaanse mark is nie. Die bruin Marxiste in Naspers haat die Afrikaner met venynigheid,  soos wat keer op keer in hul skrywes en optredes na vore kom. Die Broeders en kie. is egter soos gewoonlik manteldraaiers wat daarna sal streef om enige regime, ongeag hoe immoreel en korrup, te ondersteun solank hulle sake kan doen. Dit is dus uiters belangrik vir hierdie paradoksale bende van Marxistiese fanatici en die geldgierige bloedsuiers (die Broeders) om die kroon op die ANC se kop te hou. Sodoende voldoen dit aan eg. se ideologiese oortuigings en lg. se ekonomiese vereistes, want solank die ANC nie uitgedaag word nie, is dit business as usual sonder enige magsbalansversteuring.

Vir Afrikaners om dus nou ontevrede te wil raak met die NSA en boonop hul trotse identiteit te herontdek, is ’n gevaarlike onkruid vir beide Naspers en hul politieke base in Lethuli-huis, wat ten alle koste uitgeroei moet word.  Soos sydissels brand die nuwe Afrikanernasionalisme hulle genoeg om op te tree. Die laaste ding wat Naspers nou wil hê, is dat ’n nuwe geslag kunstenaars met ’n trotse nasionale gees die ou (en afgeleefde) proteskunstenaars van die tagtigerjare as die volk se keuse vervang. Dit is dus baie belangrik vir Naspers dat die Afrikaner bv. eerder na Anton Goosen as na Bok van Blerk luister, dat ons eerder Max Du Preez as Dan Roodt lees. Die tagtiger jare se hasbeens  sal ten minste ons voortdurend bewus maak van ons “skuld” en “agterlikheid” en hoe “wonderlik” dit in die ANC-SA is.

Vir Bok en andere om nou die mense die kans te gee om hul diepgesetelde emosies uit te druk en te voel, pas nie in die Naspers-agenda nie. “Nee, hierdie Bok moet doodgeskiet word. Hy moet vrek! As ons nie sy musiek onpopulêr kan maak nie, kom ons pleeg dan karaktermoord op hom. As niemand van hom hou nie sal hulle ook nie na sy musiek luister nie…”so werk die Naspersbrein. Dus neem hulle ’n paar gerugte oor hoe “moeilik” Bok kwansuis is en oordryf dit tot die mag 100. Noem hom dan sommer ook ’n Diva en siedaar! dis bok-in-die-pot. Dat Bok soos alle populere kunstenaars oorval word deur promotors en organiseerdes wat allerhande leë beloftes maak en dikwels ondergemiddelde diens lewer, word verswyg. Dat Bok bloot daarna streef om  uitmuntende vertonings aan sy ondersteuners te lewer en dus organiseerders wat ondergemiddelde diens lewer en ander kansvatters moet vasvat, is immers ’n goeie vermaaklikheiskunstenaar se plig.

Karaktermoord kom egter natuurlik vir Naspers.  Weens die mediahuis se fanatiese oortuigings en die moeite wat dit verg om op gereelde basis die immorele ANC-regering te regverdig, is dit somtyds baie makliker om bloot net  teenstanders uit te wis. Aangesien Naspers se argumente nie opgewasse is teen andersdenkendes nie, speel hulle dikwels die man eerder as die bal.  Max du Preez is sekerlik die een wat die mees bedrewe is met karaktermoord (of ten minste pogings daartoe). In eg Stalinistiese styl voer hy pogroms teen sy teenstanders se karakters sodat lesers moet glo dat sy opponente ongeloofwaardige en illegitieme skurke is.

Om iets van Max se eie taktiek te volg, wil ek darem byvoeg dat dit sekerlik te verstane is dat daar so ’n daling in Naspers se joernalistieke standaard sou plaasvind. Deurdat Naspers die Marxistiese opdrifdels van die tagtigerjare (soos Max du Preez, Koos Kombuis, Jakes Gerwel e.a.) in beheer van hul “Propagandadepartement” gestel het, lyk Nasperskoerante deesdae meer soos die ou Sowjetkoerante, Prawda (“Die Waarheid”) en Isjwestia (“Nuus”). So het die Sowjetpubliek dan ook gereeld gespot met: “In Prawda is daar geen Isjwestia nie en in Isjwestia is daar geen Prawda nie”.  Ek dink egter dat Naspers se koerante aan beide nuuswaardigheid en die waarheid ontbreek.  Voorbeelde is Max se holocaustontkenning van die Britse verkragtings van Boerevroue, terwyl lesers tot vervelens herinner word aan die kamstige “wonderlike demokrasie” waarin ons leef.

Onwillkeurig begin mens jouself afvra waarheen Naspers met die Afrikaner op pad is. Wat is die strategie en toekomsvisie te Heerengracht 40?  Hul propagandablaaie poog gedurig om die Afrikaner se bestaan te ontken, om sy selfbeeld af te breek en om sy huidige swaarkry weg te redeneer, asook enige vorm van Afrikanernasionalisme te beveg. Die Afrikaner word tot ANC-onderdanigheid gebreinspoel. Die sinistere waarheid is egter dat die komplot in alle waarskynlikheid heelwat verder gaan as onderdanigheid aan die ANC. Deur die Afrikaner se identiteit te probeer ontken en aktief te probeer ondermyn, gaan dit ook daaroor om die Afrikaner se etniese karakter so te ruïneer dat hy homself nie meer herken nie. Wanneer die Afrikaner sleng praat, sosio-ekonomies in die Afrikamassa wegsmelt, met ander rasse ondertrou, geen unieke karakter of bewussyn meer het nie en nie meer aandring op sy regte nie, dan het Naspers sy doel bereik. Dan is die Afrikaner ’n Afrikaan en sal hy doelloos in ’n Afrikadiktatuur voortleef sonder om die magsbalans te versteur. Dan is die Afrikaner (altans diegene wat nie die land verlaat het nie) die onintellektuele, ongekultiveerde en ondergeskikte ghwar wat geen weerstand bied nie.

Vir ’n tyd lank het Naspers baie hard gepoog om met die ultra-linkse kwasi-intellektuele tydskrif, Insig, die Afrikaner met halfgebakte argumente te oortuig om met die swart massa te versmelt. Daardie projek het met die geleidelike ontwaking van die Afrikaner so liederlik gefaal dat Insig sy deure moes sluit. Nou slaan Naspers ’n ander koers in. Die teenoorgestelde word nou aangewend deur op die Afrikaner se mees basiese instinkte aanspraak te maak. Die weg word voorberei vir daardie doelwit deur die sistematiese loodsing van ’n hele flotilla poniekoerante wat die Afrikaner se verghwarring moet fasiliteer. Hierdie tipe publikasies sal dan ook eendag Naspers se hoofbesigheid raak. Die koste verbonde aan die uitgee van sulke koerante is baie laer, omdat dit aan geen nuuswaardigheids-, joernalistieke of taalkundige gehaltevereistes hoef te voldoen nie, terwyl uit-die-duim-gesuigde stories soos “Non verwag ruimtewese se baba” dan die trant van die “nuus” word.

Wanneer die Afrikaner se identiteit dood is en hy deel van ’n smeltkroes is, dan sal hy ook elemente van homself aan die Afrikamassa oordra sodat dit ’n totale mengelkultuur word. So ’n mengsel sal ’n baie meer toeganklike mark vir Naspers wees as die huidige etnies en taalkundig seksionele mark. Ek het egter nuus vir Naspers. Selfs die dinamiese VSA se sogenaamde melting pot kon tot vandag toe met bitter min sukses die onderskeie rasse in daardie land versmelt. Hoe meer jy mense van hul karakter probeer ontneem, hoe meer veg hulle vir die behoud daarvan en gevolglik ontwaak hul nasionalistiese sentimente. Hierdie visie, nl. Afrikaneroplossing in ’n “groter Suid-Afrika”, wat blyk dié van Heerengracht 40 te wees, sal nooit verwesenlik word nie. Lord Milner het die Afrikaner probeer verengels en liederlik misluk. Naspers wil die Afrikaner verafrikaan en gaan nie alleen misluk nie, maar iewers in die toekoms, saam met die ANC, net so gehaat soos Milner wees.

хамам в квартиреФильчаков прокурор харькова

Merkel kritiseer Mugabe

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Johnson Sirleaf en Merkel

Die Duitse Kanselier, Angela Merkel, huidige president van die EU sowel as tans van die G-8, het Dinsdag in Berlyn die "onaanvaarbare" politiek van die Zimbabwiese president Robert Mugabe skerp gekritiseer tydens die agtste Forum vir die Vennootskap met Afrika (APF).

"Ons volg die situasie in Zimbabwe met groot kommer. Niks kan die intimidasie van politieke opponente regverdig nie, die stokke in die wiele van ‘n onafhanklike media, die dreigemente teenoor landelike inwoners en die vernietiging van krotbuurte nie," het sy verklaar.

 
"Die politiek van president Mugabe is onaanvaarbaar. Vir hierdie rede, doen ek ‘n beroep op alle politieke ampsdraers van aangrensende lande om hul invloed ten behoewe van die mense, ook van Zimbabwe, te laat geld," het die Kanselier aan die Forum gesê. Liberië se president Ellen Johnson Sirleaf was ook onder die deelnemers aan die Forum.
 
Sy is in 2005 verkies as Liberië en Afrika se eerste vroue-president. Johnson Sirleaf spog met ‘n Duitse voorouer, ‘n oupa. ‘n Vergadering wat sy in 2006 gereël het met verteenwoordigers van die Ivoorkus, Ghana en Sierra Leone in die Liberiese ampswoning het inderhaas verdaag nadat ‘n brand uitgebreek het. Brandstigting is vermoed en sy moes van raadgewers verander.
 
Die Duitse Kanselier het egter Zimbabwe uitgesonder vir kritiek. Mevrou Merkel het belowe dat Afrika ‘n belangrike tema op die komende G-8 beraad vanaf 6 tot 8 Junie 2007 in Heiligendamm, in die noord-ooste van Duitsland, sal wees.

Die grootste opposisieparty in Zimbabwe, die MDC, het Vrydag ‘n veldtog geloods om druk op president Mugabe te plaas om parlementêre verteenwoordigers en aktiviste wat in Maart vir terrorisme gearresteer is, vry te laat.

Die aanhoudings het gevolg op die inhegtenisname en aanranding van Morgan Tsvangirai, MDC-leier, en ‘n dosyn van sy ondersteuners tydens ‘n biduur wat deur die opposisie, kerke en menseregteorganisasies georganiseer is.
 

детектор лжи томскДанильченко Юрий прокурор

Max du Preez se hoepelsin

ImageRegtigwaar, ons behoort nou vir Max du Preez uit te los. Selfs al is hy een of ander spesie van joernalistieke masochis wat blykbaar skryf vir die perverse vreugde om karwats te kry, moet ‘n mens een of ander tyd sê, genoeg is genoeg. Om hom skriftelik pak te gee is ‘n minderwaardige uitdaging. Dit is soos vir die Bulle om teen die Queensland Reds te speel: Net te maklik. Die waarheid is, as daar een iemand is wat nie naby ‘n pen toegelaat behoort te word nie, is dit Max du Preez. ‘n Pen in sy hand is soos ‘n skerp mes in ‘n baba se hand – baie gevaarlik vir homself.

‘n Groot deel van die skuld is Henry Jeffreys, regstellend aangestel as kleurlingredakteur van Die Burger, s’n. In plaas daarvan dat hy vir Maxie as’t ware ‘n skoon vel papier en ‘n paar vetkryte gee sodat hy in die hoek kan sit en met tongtippie wat by sy mondhoek uitsteek in konsentrasie, stokmannetjies teken en uit almal se pad uit bly, gee Jeffreys vir Max gereeld morge se kolomsentimeters om ‘n gek van homself in te maak.

Ja, ons moet nou regtig vir Max begin uitlos. En ek sal, ek sal, ek belowe ek sal. Nog net hierdie een keer. Asseblief. As ek soos vanoggend lees wat die arme, simpel drommel weer te skrywe het – ek kan myself nie help nie; ek is ‘n swakkeling – dan helder sy sotlikheid ‘n reeds helder dag verder op en ek moet – móét! – hom eenvoudig net nog ‘n keer afransel.

Eintlik sal dit beter wees om daarvan te praat om Max te “rol.” Dit is hoe ons as kinders vir mekaar ‘n ellende belowe het: “Ek gaan jou rol.” Maar in hierdie geval het dit nog ‘n sterker toepassing. Sien, Max is van daardie spesie wat ons vandag ‘n “liberalis” noem. Maar dit is ‘n onbevredigende uitdrukking want ons is almal, in ‘n klassieke of ander sin, liberalisties. So moes daar ‘n ander benaming vir Max se soort gevind word. My voorstel is om hulle “hoepels” te noem; mense wat so ver weg van die waarheid af probeer agteroorleun dat hulle met hulle koppe in hulle agterwêrelde opeindig sodat hulle so hoepelvormig staan. Wanneer dit te donker en bedompig word, trek hulle hulle koppe uit en daar is ‘n klapgeluid soos ‘n sjampanjeprop wat losskiet. Max du Preez is ‘n hoepel en gemaak om te rol.

In hierdie naweek se By in Die Burger, sien ons die hoepel in aksie. (Die naam van die rubriekskrywer word aangedui as “Max du Preex,” maar dit help niks. Jy kan die regte Max du Preez en sy gebrekkige logika nie wegsteek nie.) In sy tipiese deurmekaar hardopmymerstyl – meer verwarrend vir homself as enige iemand anders – wonder die voorsitter, president en penningmeester van die Max du Preez-bewonderaarsklub of hy ‘n Afrikaner of nie ‘n Afrikaner is nie. Wat hom so verwar is dat hy blykbaar nie weet wat ‘n Afrikaner is nie. Hy bied aan om homself as Afrikaner te skors maar, sê hy, hy moet “net gou uitwerk wat dit is waaruit ek geskors word”. (Let op na Max se gekondisioneerde behoefte om ‘n slagoffer wees. In die vorige sin bied hy aan om homself te skors en dan – kul jou hier, kul jou daar – nou wórd hy geskors – seker deur daardie onbedagsame Afrikaners, ás daar so ‘n iets soos ‘n Afrikaner bestaan.)

Die rede hoekom die Afrikaner vir Max so ‘n enigmatiese element is, is omdat hoepels soos hy in die verlede die Afrikaner se aanspraak op erkenning, regte en ‘n selfstandige geskiedenis probeer omseil het deur…  deur eenvoudig aan te voer dat daar nie so iets is soos ‘n Afrikaner nie! Hoekom sal jy, byvoorbeeld, Afrikaner-gevoelens oor die beoogde verandering van Pretoria se naam in ag neem as daar nêrens ‘n Afrikaner bestaan nie? En die hoepel se grootste vrees is dat die Afrikaner sy goed gaan vat, vir homself ‘n deel van die land gaan afbaken, daar gaan bly en vir Max en die ander hoepels uitlos om die vreugde van Azaniese verval alles op hulle eie te beleef. Maar daar kan nie sprake van Afrikanerselfbeskikking wees as daar nie Afrikaners ís nie! Terselfdertyd wéét Max goed wat ‘n Afrikaner is. Selfs al slaap hy alleen, is daar elke aand een in sy bed.

En net hier kry ons ‘n eienaardige verskynsel wat ons die “hoepelsin” kan noem. Ons kry dit wanneer ‘n hoepel iets sê wat hy vas glo maar wat dan selfs in sy eie oë heeltemal onsinnig is, waarna hy die teendeel aanvaar sonder om van sy oorspronklike stelling af te sien. So sal Steven Friedman selfvoldaan aanvoer dat regstellende aksie ‘n volslae sukses is en geen negatiewe invloed op dienslewering in Suid-Afrika gehad het nie. Dan onthou hy van kragonderbrekings, verkrummelde paaie, vervalle hospitale en ‘n vasgebrande onderwysstelsel, alles regstreeks terug te voer na regstellende aksie. Nou goed dan. Die rede hoekom regstellende aksie nie werk nie, verduidelik hy, is: blahblahblah… die Afrikaner… waflawaflawafla… armoede… piffelpiffelpiffel… rassisme… As jy Friedman se hoepelsin, wat die hoepel in een vinnige sin, eintlik in een lang woord, aframmel voordat hy sy kop terugstoot tussen sy boude, herkonstrueer, sê hy in effek: “Regstellende-Aksie-is-‘n-sukses-dit-is-‘n-mislukking-en-dis-die-Afrikaner-se-skuld.”

Max se hoepelsin van die dag is: “Daar-is-nie-so-ding-soos-‘n-Afrikaner-nie-ek-is-‘n-Afrikaner.”

Syne is darem nie die enigste hoepelsin van die dag nie. Hy haal ‘n prima een van “regsfilosoof” Loammi Wolf aan: “Om tot die etniese of kultuurgroep ‘Afrikaners’ te behoort maak jou tog nie eintlik ‘n ‘etniese Afrikaner’ nie, of hoe dan?” Plaas koppeltekens tussen die woorde en jy het ‘n klassieke voorbeeld van ‘n hoepelsin.

Want – gee nou aandag Max, Loammi – ja, as jy tot die etniese of kultuurgroep “Afrikaners” behoort, ís jy ‘n “etniese Afrikaner net soos, sou jy tot die etniese of kultuurgroep “Russe” behoort, jy ‘n “etniese Rus” sou wees of, as jy tot die etniese of kultuurgroep “Zoeloe” behoort… Julle kry die idee, vertrou ek? Nie? Kom ek help:

“’n Etniese groep of entnisiteit is ‘n bevolking van mense wie se lede met mekaar identifiseer, gewoonlik op grond van ‘n veronderstelde, gemeenskaplike herkoms of voorgeslag. Herkenning as ‘n afsonderlike etniese groep deur ander mense, is dikwels ‘n bydraende faktor om hierdie identifikasieband te verstewig.” (Vry vertaal uit Wikipedia.)

Hier’s ‘n eenvoudige toets: Wys foto’s van Geo Cronjé, Bryan Habana, Hasim Amla en Akona Ndungane vir enige inwoner van Suid-Afrika, vra vir hulle om die Afrikaner vir jou te wys en hulle sal – as hulle nie dronk, gerook, bedwelm, moronies of ‘n hoepel is nie – onmiddellik en sonder om kop te krap na Geo Cronjé wys.

Blykbaar het Max nie regtig ‘n probleem om ‘n Afrikaner te herken nie en om selfs te erken dat hyself een is nie. Maar sy kapasiteit om sy naam te nqakula het skynbaar geen perke nie: “Ek is dalk etnies gesproke ‘n Afrikaner,” sê hy in die tweede deel van sy hoepelsin, en kan homself dan blykbaar nie nog ‘n onsinnigheid ontsê nie. “Ek is beslis nie deel van die ‘Afrikanervolk’ nie – daaruit het ek al as jong man bedank.”

Ûmmm, ja… sien, Max as jy ‘n lid van ‘n etniese groep is, is jy –  of jy wil of nie en of húlle wil of nie (en glo my, ons wíl nie) – deel van daardie groep. En jy en Kombuis en Landman en die res sal dit moet aanvaar. Ons wil julle net so min hê as wat julle deel van ons wil wees. Maar, soos ‘n boggel of ‘n haaslip, ís julle deel van ons.

Ja, Max en Kombuis en Landman is deel van die Afrikanervolk, maar daar is ‘n afsonderlike klassifikasie binne hierdie groep vir hulle, ‘n versameling van Afrikaners wat ons so afstootlik vind dat ons vir hulle nie eens die waardigheid van ‘n Afrikaanse woord as benaming het nie. Ons noem hulle sommer – joiners.

компрессор воздушный поршневой ценаАлександр Фильчаков Васильевич

Bono en Bob pleit in Berlyn

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Bono en Bob Geldof

Die G-8 skuld Afrika die geld wat hulle belowe het in 2005. Só sê die twee Ierse sterre Bono en Bob Geldof. Hulle het spesiaal na Berlyn in Duitsland gereis om hulle boodskap oor te dra.

Die Duitse Kanselier, Angela Merkel, is die voorsitter van die byeenkoms en sal ook as gasvrou optree vir die volgende spitsberaad van G-8 lande in Junie vanjaar. Na verwagting sal Afrika 700 miljoen Euro ontvang indien die beloftes wat Gerhard Schroeder, Merkel se voorganger, gedurende die 2005 Gleneagles-beraad in Skotland gemaak het, realiseer.

 

Bob Geldof het daarna verwys tydens sy perskonferensie. “Ons vra slegs dat politieke leiers hul beloftes hou, nie ‘n Euro meer nie,” het die stigter van Live Aid gesê. Die sanger het moeg gelyk tydens die geleentheid.

Bono, hoofsanger van die bekende groep U2,  wat ook deelneem aan die inisiatief om hulp vir Afrika in te samel, het benadruk dat Duitsland ‘n spesiale rol het om te speel in dié opsig. “As julle nie julle beloftes nakom nie, gaan die ander (G-8 lande) van die wa afspring,” het hy gewaarsku van agter sy rooi sonbril.

“Mevrou Merkel,” het die groot Duitse rock-ster Herbert Groenemeyer uitgeroep, “ons het u in die oog!” Groenemeyer sal op 7 Junie neffens die G-8 spitsberaad in Rostock in die noord-ooste ‘n konsert teen armoede hou.

Die drie sangers het tydens hul perskonferensie  die 2007 DATA-verslag (Debt, Aids, Trade, Africa) bekend gestel waarvan Bono die beskermheer is. Die verslag kyk veral na hoe die sewe rykste lande asook Rusland hul ondernemings van Julie 2005 by Gleneagles gestand doen.

Die ryk, geïndustrialiseerde lande het gedurende dié geleentheid onderneem om die 35 armste lande se skuldlas af te skryf en om hulpbystand aan die sukkelendes te vermeerder na 25 miljard dollar tot 2010.

Volgens DATA het egter net Groot Brittanje en Japan hul beloftes gehou. Die res van die betrokke lande het tussen 2004 en 2006 2,3 miljard dollar aan hulp gegee, maar “dis minder as die helfte van wat hulle behoort te gee,” het Jamie Drummond van DATA bevestig.

Die ryk lande se swak vertoning het Bono laat verklaar dat hy die “woede kan verstaan” van duisende betogers wat opruk na Heiligendamm om te protesteer teen die G-8 spitsberaad komende Junie. Hy het gesê dat indien die G-8 nie hul beloftes nakom nie dit die opstand verder mag aanwakker. Hy was nietemin “gekant” teen geweld wat mag uitbreek.

“Ek verstaan hulle woede, want ek het dit self gevoel toe ek by ‘n hospitaal (in Afrika) mense in ‘n ry sien doodgaan het.” was die ster se vermaning.

playФильчаков

Contractor deaths in Iraq soar

Casualties among private contractors in Iraq have soared to record levels this year, setting a pace that seems certain to turn 2007 into the bloodiest year yet for the civilians who work alongside the American military in the war zone, according to new government numbers.

At least 146 contract workers were killed in Iraq in the first three months of the year, by far the highest number for any quarter since the war began in March 2003, according to the Labor Department, which processes death and injury claims for those working as United States government contractors in Iraq.

That brings the total number of contractors killed in Iraq to at least 917, along with more than 12,000 wounded in battle or injured on the job, according to government figures and dozens of interviews.

The numbers, which have not been previously reported, disclose the extent to which contractors — Americans, Iraqis and workers from more than three dozen other countries — are largely hidden casualties of the war, and now are facing increased risks alongside American soldiers and marines as President Bush’s plan to increase troop levels in Baghdad takes hold.

As troops patrol more aggressively in and around the capital, both soldiers and the contractors who support them, often at small outposts, are at greater peril. The contractor deaths earlier this year, for example, came closer to the number of American military deaths during the same period — 244 — than during any other quarter since the war began, according to official figures.

“The insurgents are going after the softest targets, and the contractors are softer targets than the military,” said Lawrence J. Korb, a former assistant secretary of defense for manpower during the Reagan administration. “The U.S. is being more aggressive over there, and these contractor deaths go right along with it.”

Truck drivers and translators account for a significant share of the casualties, but the recent death toll includes others who make up what amounts to a private army.

Among them were four American security guards who died in a helicopter crash in January, 28 Turkish construction workers whose plane crashed north of Baghdad the same month, a Massachusetts man who was blown up as he dismantled munitions for an American company in March and a Georgia woman killed in a missile attack in March while working as a coordinator for KBR, the contracting company.

Donald E. Tolfree Jr., a trucker from Michigan, was fatally shot in the cab of his vehicle while returning to Camp Anaconda, north of Baghdad, in early February. His daughter, Kristen Martin, 23, said Army officials told her he was shot by an American military guard confused about her father’s assignment. The Army confirms the death is under investigation as a possible friendly-fire episode.

Ms. Martin said she waited three weeks for her father’s body to be returned home, and expressed resentment that dead contractors were treated differently from soldiers who fall in battle.

“If anything happens to the military people, you hear about it right away,” she said in a telephone interview. “Flags get lowered, they get their respect. You don’t hear anything about the contractors.”

Military officials in Washington and Baghdad said that no Pentagon office tracked contractor casualties and that they had no way to confirm or explain the sharp rise in deaths this year.

Army Lt. Col. Joseph M. Yoswa, a spokesman for the military in Iraq, said in an e-mail statement, “the responsibilities for tracking deaths, injuries, locations and any other essential requirements lie with the contractor. Unless there is something specifically stated in the contract about accounting for personnel, there is no requirement for the U.S. government to track these numbers.”

Companies that have lost workers in Iraq were generally unresponsive to questions about the numbers of deaths and the circumstances that led to casualties. None acknowledged that they had seen an increase this year.

But a spokesman for American International Group, the insurance company that covers about 80 percent of the contractor work force in Iraq, said it had seen a sharp increase in death and injury claims in recent months. The Labor Department records show that in addition to the 146 dead in the first three months this year, another 3,430 contractors filed claims for wounds or injuries suffered in Iraq, also a quarterly record. The number of casualties, though, may be much higher because the government’s statistical database is not complete.

The Labor numbers were provided in response to a Freedom of Information Act request from The New York Times. Other figures came from a variety of government agencies, private contractors and insurers handling casualty claims.

American military casualties in Iraq have mounted to almost 3,400 dead. The new contractor statistics suggest that for every four American soldiers or marines who die in Iraq, a contractor is killed.

Senator John McCain, the Arizona Republican who pushed for the buildup of military forces in Iraq, said the contractor casualties were a symptom of a larger failure to send enough troops earlier to provide security throughout Iraq.

“We’re now putting these people in danger that I never thought they’d be under because we cannot secure the country,” he said.

Other lawmakers also expressed concern about the numbers. Representative John P. Murtha, the Pennsylvania Democrat who is chairman of the defense subcommittee of the House Appropriations Committee, said that he was shocked at the extent of casualties among contractors and that he planned to hold hearings this fall on the use of private workers in Iraq.

Representative Jan Schakowsky, an Illinois Democrat, has introduced legislation to force the government to release detailed records on the use of contractors in Iraq and the names and job descriptions of all those killed and injured, information that is virtually impossible to get right now. The military releases names and biographical information about its wartime casualties, but businesses are not required to provide such information, and the Labor Department refuses to do so, citing privacy laws.

“By keeping the knowledge of this force hidden, it changes one’s perception and one’s evaluation of the war,” Ms. Schakowsky said. “There are almost a thousand dead and a large number of injuries. I think it masks the fact that we are privatizing the military in this country.”

Contract workers say that as the tempo of military operations has increased in recent months, so have the attacks on contractors. Convoys of trucks operated by companies are often not as well armored or protected as military units, they say.

A top security industry official said he was told recently by American military and contracting officials that 50 to 60 percent of all truck convoys in Iraq were coming under attack. Previously, he said, only about 10 percent had been hit.

“There is a definite spike in convoy attacks,” said the official, who would speak only on condition of anonymity because the information was confidential. Gordon Dreher, 48, who drove a fuel truck supplying American troops in Iraq, said he and other drivers faced almost constant attacks from insurgents.

“I’ve been shot at, had my truck blown out from under me, had an I.E.D. hit about six feet away from me, and lost part of my hearing,” he said, referring to an improvised explosive device. “I’m used to getting shot at now, having tracer rounds hit off my truck. I got ambushed twice on one convoy run.”

Mr. Dreher broke his back in January from driving fast on rough roads, and is back home in Brick, N.J., awaiting surgery. “When they do a surge, they need more fuel for choppers and tanks,” he said. “My buddies who are still there tell me that they have been getting spanked pretty good lately.”

Mark Griffin, a 53-year-old truck driver from Georgia who left Iraq last November, said even then attacks were accelerating. “It got progressively worse pretty much every month I was there.”

He worked for KBR driving trucks in Anbar Province to supply Marine bases with ammunition, water and other essentials. He said that by late 2006 truck drivers and their Marine convoy escorts were finding 20 to 30 roadside bombs on each convoy trip through Anbar, the restive Sunni heartland. “The number of I.E.D.’s got worse, and the size and damage got worse, progressively, over time,” he said.

Labor Department statistics show that deaths and injuries among contractors have risen during times of heightened American military activity. For example, the number of contractors killed from January through March tops the previous quarterly record of 112 killed at the end of 2004, during the American military offensive in Falluja and related operations nearby.

 The worsening casualty trends appear to be continuing into the second quarter of this year, as insurgents launch a wave of mortar and rocket attacks on Baghdad’s Green Zone, the heavily fortified government center. Earlier this month, for example, two Indians, a Filipino and a Nepalese working for the American Embassy in Baghdad were killed by rocket fire in the Green Zone.

Nearly 300 companies from the United States and around the world supply workers who are a shadow force in Iraq almost as large as the uniformed military. About 126,000 men and women working for contractors serve alongside about 150,000 American troops, the Pentagon has reported. Never before has the United States gone to war with so many civilians on the battlefield doing jobs — armed guards, military trainers, translators, interrogators, cooks and maintenance workers — once done only by those in uniform.

In the Persian Gulf war of 1991, for example, only 9,200 contractors — mostly operating advanced weapons systems — served alongside 540,000 military personnel. But at the end of the cold war, Congress and the Pentagon were eager to seize on the so-called peace dividend and drastically scale back the standing Army. The Bush administration expanded the outsourcing strategy to unprecedented levels after the invasion of Iraq.

Many contractors in the battle zone say they lack the basic security measures afforded uniformed troops and receive benefits that not only differ from those provided to troops, but also vary by employer. Weekly pay ranges from $60 for Iraqi translators and laborers to $1,800 for truck drivers to as much as $6,000 for private security guards employed by companies like Blackwater. Medical and insurance benefits also vary widely, from excellent to minimal.

Conditions in Iraq are harsh, and many civilians who arrive there, drawn by patriotism, a sense of adventure or the lure of money, are overwhelmed by the environment. If they raise questions about the 12-hour workdays, the lack of armor plating on trucks or the periodic shelling of bases, supervisors often tell them to pack up and go home.

Cynthia I. Morgan, a Tennessee trucker who spent more than a year in Iraq as a convoy commander, said that the common answer from her bosses to such complaints was, “Aisle or window, chicken or pasta” — meaning “Get on the next plane out of here.”

круиз по морю ценыОлександр Фільчаков прокурор

New claims of UK Army war crimes

The British Army is facing new allegations that it was involved in "forced disappearances", hostage-taking and torture of Iraqi civilians after the fall of the regime of Saddam Hussein.

One of the claims is made by the former chairman of the Red Crescent in Basra, who alleges he was beaten unconscious by British soldiers after they accused him of being a senior official in Saddam’s Baath party.

The family of another Iraqi civilian claims he was arrested and kidnapped by the British in order to secure the surrender of his brother, who was also accused of being a high-ranking member of the party. He was later found shot dead, still handcuffed and wearing a UK prisoner name tag.

Both cases are being prepared for hearings in the High Court in which the Government will be accused of war crimes while carrying out the arrest and detention of alleged senior members of the Baath party.

Last month, the first British soldier to be convicted of a war crime was jailed for a year and dismissed from the Army after being convicted of mistreating Iraqi civilians, including the hotel worker Baha Mousa, who died of his injuries at the hands of British soldiers. Six other soldiers, including Col Jorge Mendonca, were cleared of all charges.

Lawyers and rights groups say the worrying aspect of these latest allegations is that they show evidence of systemic abuse by British soldiers soon after the fall of Saddam.

Fouad Awdah Al-Saadoon, 67, chairman of the Iraqi Red Crescent in Basra, alleges he was visited by British soldiers at his offices in the city on 12 April 2003 and was taken to the British base at the former Mukhabarat [intelligence] building. In his witness statement, Mr Saadoon said he was accused of being a member of the Baath party and of using his organisation’s ambulances secretly to transport Iraqi militia.

In a detailed account of the abuse that he alleges he suffered, Mr Saadoon recalls: "As soon as I went inside they started beating me. They used electric cables and wooden batons and they harshly punched me with their hands and boots. I had a heart problem, I was a diabetic and had high blood pressure. I was hit repeatedly on my eyes which made me collapse unconscious."

Mr Saadoon was later transferred to the joint American/British-run detention centre called Camp Bucca, in southern Iraq, which the British had set up to process prisoners at the start of the war. He was interrogated for five days. Because of the injuries sustained during the beatings his condition worsened and he claims the British flew him to Kuwait for a heart operation. There he claims he was visited by the International Federation of the Red Crescent whose representatives expressed concern at his alleged treatment by the British.

In the second case, a 26-year-old Iraqi civilian, Tarek Hassan, was arrested in a dawn raid by British troops involved in the rounding up of Baath party officials on 24 April 2003. His family allege he was held hostage by the British in exchange for the surrender of his brother, Kadhim Hassan, a member of the Baath party.

Five months after his arrest, his family received a phone call to say his body had been found dumped in Samarra, north of Baghdad and 550 miles from the detention centre where he had been held. Kadhim Hassan, 37, has spent the past three years trying to establish the circumstances that led to the death of his brother. Now Iraqi human rights workers and British lawyers have uncovered vital witnesses to his arrest and detention. They have also recovered Tarek’s UK identity tag, which indicates he was a British prisoner.

In his witness statement, Kadhim recalls the night his bother was arrested. "The British were looking for me as I was a high-ranking member of the Baath party," he said. "I suspect that a financial dispute with one of my neighbours made him inform the British of my rank and he possibly told them some lies which made them look for me." Kadhim had left the family a few hours before the armoured vehicles carrying the soldiers arrived. When his sisters contacted the British to find out where the British had taken Tarek, they were told that he would only be released if Kadhim gave himself up. That was the last they heard of him until five months later.

"He was found," said Kadhim, "by locals in the countryside … We went to collect him from the morgue in Samarra, where we found him with eight bullet wounds to his chest. They were Kalashnikov bullets. His hands were tied with plastic wire and had many bruises."

Now it emerges that Mr Saadoon, who has left Iraq and is working as a businessman in Dubai, met Tarek shortly after he was flown back to Camp Bucca from Kuwait, where he had been receiving medical care.

"I was brought back to Camp Bucca in a van on 21 April and placed in a tent, which held 400 prisoners. On 24 April Tarek Hassan was brought to our tent. He was very scared and confused. He told me British troops had raided his house and were looking for his brother who left the house before the soldiers had arrived. As I was in bad health, Tarek used to bring me food and care for me. Tarek was never interrogated while I was at Camp Bucca."

On 27 April the International Federation of the Red Crescent requested the British to free Mr Saadoon and that night he and all 200 others were released in the middle of the night on the highway between Basra and Zubai. "We had to walk 25 miles to reach the nearest place where we could hire cars," remembers Mr Saadoon.

The Government denies being involved in the injuries suffered by Mr Saadoon or responsibility for Tarek’s death. In letters to the family, the Ministry of Defence makes the point that the bullets that may have killed him were fired from a Kalashnikov weapon and that the area where his body was found was not an area of operations associated with British forces.

But the Hassan family’s solicitor, Phil Shiner, of Public Interest Lawyers, said the evidence showed Tarek disappeared at the hands of UK forces and that the circumstances of his release "significantly increased the risk to his life".

In recent correspondence, the MoD has admitted to the Hassan family that Tarek was held at Camp Bucca but claims that it is a US-run camp and so not the responsibility of the British.

Mr Shiner, who is acting in both cases, said: "The Government deny any responsibility in a case where a man has been kidnapped by UK forces and killed. It is a matter of public record that our agents were torturing Iraqis at Camp Bucca and continued to hand over detainees to the Iraqi criminal system even though there was a serious risk of torture or death in detention. This case is important because if the UK have jurisdiction it cannot allow these incidents to continue and must properly investigate previous incidents".

Mazin Younis, chair of the Iraqi League, a UK-based rights group, said: "The cases we have reported so far may only be the tip of an iceberg of systematic abuse procedures devised high up the command chain in the Army. The scale of such cases greatly necessitates the need for the Government to start a public inquiry."

[…]

The secure holding facility in the desert near the city of Umm Qasr, close to the Kuwaiti border, was originally called Camp Freddy and used by British forces to hold Iraqi prisoners of war.

But in April 2003 control of the camp was transferred to the Americans, although there was a "secure and discrete" unit within the camp that remained exclusively British. In 2003 the British had control of two tent compounds, holding roughly 400 prisoners each. The Americans had six similar compounds.

The camp is designed to hold between 2,000 and 2,500 prisoners but figures released in March 2006 estimated that it held 8,500 Iraqi detainees.

There have been a number of inquiries into alleged abusive treatment at the camp, mostly related to the Americans.

In February 2005 American soldiers killed four detainees and injured six others to quell a riot in which prisoners were armed with stones.

But the British have also been accused of abuse, specifically the hooding of prisoners, which led to concerns being raised with the International Committee of the Red Cross.

Six of the men detained with Baha Mousa were later taken to Camp Bucca. Conditions in the camp are known to be primitive, with open trenches used as lavatories.

The prisoners were forced to sleep on the desert floor, at risk from scorpions and snakes, and were only given one blanket at night when temperatures can fall below zero.

Since May 2003, 27 prisoners have escaped from Camp Bucca, 18 of whom have been recaptured. A number of attempts at mass escape have been foiled.

The Ministry of Defence says that apart from two spells in 2003, Camp Bucca has been run by the Americans.

[…]

On 15 May 2003 the 1st Battalion of the Royal Regiment of Fusiliers captured Iraqis looting an aid camp in Operation Ali-Baba. They were detained for a brief period during which they were beaten, forced to simulate oral and anal sex and suspended from a forklift truck. Later that month, Fusilier Gary Bartlam, 20, of Tamworth, Staffordshire, took a film to be developed containing 22 photographs of abuse taking place. This triggered a lengthy court martial at a British Army barracks in Osnabruck, Germany. Bartlam pleaded guilty to three charges of ill treatment of Iraqi prisoners. Cpl Daniel Kenyon, 33, from Newcastle, denied six charges of abuse. He was convicted of three, cleared of two charges and the remaining charge was dropped. L/Cpl Mark Cooley, 25, from Newcastle, denied two charges of abuse but was found guilty of both. L/Cpl Darren Larkin, 30, from Oldham, Greater Manchester, admitted to one charge of assault but denied another. The second charge was dropped.

[…]

The hotel worker and son of an Iraqi police colonel died on 16 September 2003 while in custody of the Queen’s Lancashire Regiment at a detention centre near Basra. The building had formerly been the secret service headquarters of Ali Majid (Chemical Ali). Cpl Donald Payne, 36, became Britain’s first convicted war criminal when he admitted inhumanely treating civilian detainees. Six other soldiers were cleared by a military court in Bulford, Wiltshire, of abusing Mr Mousa and other detainees.

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Helen Zille se nie-rassige Suid-Afrika

Vir Helen Zille is die politieke wittebrood inderdaad verby binne Afrikanerkringe ná haar uitsprake in die DA se eerste nuusbrief, SA Today, na haar verkiesing as leier.

Die uitdaging vir haar om ons land se “identiteitspolitiek” te verander na een van ‘kwessiepolitiek’, dui op haar onbegrip van die werklikheid in Suid-Afrika en elke ander land. Alles gaan oor rassepolitiek. So was dit nog deur alle eeue en so sal dit altyd wees.  Haar uitlating dat ons “belangrikste strewe moet wees na nie-rassigheid” beteken die verloëning van elke ras in hierdie land, so ook van die Afrikanervolk wat dit nie sal duld om op so ’n wyse opgeslurp te word nie!

Laat die geskiedenis ons leer: die Franse kritikus Aimé Césaire, het Haïti so beskryf: “Poor Africa! I say poor Haiti!  It is the same thing.  Over there, tribe, languages, rivers, the castes, forest, village against village, hamlet against hamlet.  Here, blacks, mulattos, griffes, marabouts, what-have-you, clan, caste, color, defiance and conspiracy, fights between cocks, between dogs over a bone, the combat of fleas!”  Sy waarneming van agteruitgang as gevolg van rasse-integrasie is vandag steeds van toepassing op beide hierdie gebiede.  Suid-Afrikaners kan uit hierdie geskiedenis heelwat van hulle toekoms leer!

In die navorsingswerk van die antropoloog Michele Wucker, Why the Cocks Fight, word die rasseprobleme van Swartes en Mulatto’s in Haïti en die Dominikaanse Republiek beskryf aan die hand van kulturele verskille wat die oorsaak van konflik is wanneer integrasie met gevolglike uitbastering tussen rasse plaasvind.  Antropologie is die studie van mensekunde met die klem op rasseverskille waarin ook hulle onderskeidelike gedragspatrone waargeneem word. Hierdie studie van Wucker het ’n interessante parallel getref tussen die “cockfights” (hoendergevegte) en die aggressie tussen mense van verskillende rasse.  Haïti word hoofsaaklik beskou as ’n “swart land”, terwyl die Dominikaanse Republiek uit ’n  “Mulatto”-nasie bestaan, ’n basternasie. Die skeidslyn tussen hierdie twee “nasies” het sy oorsprong in die Rio Massacre, so genoem as gevolg van die duisende Haïtiaanse en Dominikaanse inwoners wat op die grens tussen die twee afgemaai is tydens tye van indringing oor die gemeenskaplike grens heen.

Te midde van die oorvereenvoudigde klassifikasie van die begrippe “swart” en “baster”, deel beide minstens dieselfde rassesamestelling bestaande uit die bloed van Franse, Spaanse, Engelse, Arawakiese en Taino-indiane, asook die stamme van swart Afrika. Eers ná die rebellie van die Afrika-element teen hulle Franse oorheersers, toe alle Blankes en daarna ook die basters uitgemoor is, het die velkleur van die Haïti-inwoners so verdonker.

Die geskiedenis van rasse-integrasie strek van vroeg in die 16e eeu toe Nicholas de Ovando, die Spaanse koloniale goewerneur, menige van die koloniste forseer het om met Indiane te trou.  Die koloniale regering het later in die 16e eeu selfs die koloniste sover gekry om met slawe te trou.  Dit was ’n desperate poging om die Spaanse bevolking te laat vermeerder om sodoende weerstand te bied teen die Franse en Engelse aspirasies om Spanje se mag te breek.  Hierdie basterkinders is beskou as Spaanse Blankes en is grootgemaak met ’n sterk Rooms-Katolieke identiteit om die toenemende Protestante (Engelse) te beveg. Oor die eeue heen het die rasse-identiteit van die Dominikane verdof en is hulle vandag net bekend as “Mullato’s”, dus basters.

Reeds in 1549 is daar onder hierdie koloniste sewe rasse geïdentifiseer deur hulle koloniale regering, en in die vroeë 1970’s is daar nege haarkleure en vyftien haarteksture geïdentifiseer wat wissel van sagte reguit hare tot harde kroeshare. Ook die twaalf velkleure wat wissel van “too white” tot “almost purple”, en die tien tipes gesigstrukture, is veelseggend van die geweldige verbastering wat plaasgevind het. Nog interessanter is dat hierdie verskille elkeen in ’n insgelyks verskillende maatskaplike klas plaas.  Om in die Dominikaanse Republiek iemand ’n “Haïtiaan” te noem, is op die oppervlak dieselfde as om hom ’n “Neger” te noem, gepaardgaande natuurlik met ’n sarsie psigologiese haat en vrees. Die effens ligter velkleur van die Dominikane plaas hulle in hulle eie oë weer in ’n baie hoër sosiale klas as die donkerder Haïtiane. 

Die donker velkleur van die Haïti-bevolking dateer terug na 1804 toe die diktator Jean-Jacques Dessalines besluit het om al die “Blankes” wat nog in Haïti gewoon het, uit te moor.  Omdat sommige van die Franse koloniste reeds uitgebaster het met die swart Afrikastamme, het hy ’n taaltoets gebruik om te bepaal watter “Blankes” gekeur kan word as Swartes.  Indien die Kreoolse aksent nie deur die Franse korrek uitgespreek is nie, is hulle onmiddellik met ’n bajonet deurboor.

Vroeg in die Tweede Wêreldoorlog het president Rooseveldt ’n ooreenkoms met Rafael Trujillo, leier van die Dominikaanse Republiek, gesluit om Joodse vlugtelinge daar te huisves. Trujillo wat toe pas 20 000 van die bevolking van Haïti op die grens laat vermoor het, was onder die indruk dat hierdie Joodse toevoeging sou bydra om nuwe “wit” bloed in die Dominikaanse Republiek in te bring, maar die meeste Jode het uiteindelik in die VSA g beland en die Dominikaanse Republiek is vandag nog vol “Mulatto’s”.

Bill Clinton was op sy beurt later jare so beïndruk met die renegaat, Jean-Bertrand Aristide, dat hy 20 000 VSA-troepe en miljarde dollars gebruik het om die uitgeworpe demagoog weer in ’n magsposisie in Haiti te stel. Ten spyte van hierdie poging, het Haïti weer teruggekeer na sy natuurlike staat van chaos, wetteloosheid, korrupsie, dwelmmisbruik, vuilheid en slordigheid.  So onhoudbaar is hierdie toestand dat een uit elke vyf inwoners van Haïti asook die Dominikaanse Republiek na die VSA emigreer.

Sou die Blankes in Suid-Afrika nie tot daadwerklike verset kom teen die gedwonge rasse-integrasie deur hierdie bestel nie, sal daar ook oor ’n eeu gepraat kan word van die “Mulatto’s” van Suid-Afrika!

Zille is reg wanneer sy sê dat as sy daarin slaag, Suid-Afrika die eerste sal wees om ’n suksesvolle nie-rassige bevolking te hê, want dit kon nog nooit elders slaag nie!  Dalk moet sy eers na die geskiedenis gaan kyk om meer helderheid oor die toekoms te verkry.

Mag Helen Zille en haar poging om Suid-Afrika ’n nie-rassige staat te maak, met elke druppel Afrikanerbloed gestuit word!

games onlineОлександр Васильович Фільчаков

Angola se onderontwikkeling verklaar

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Slawebeeld, Gor?e, Senegal

Die Nasionale Museum van Slawerny in Luanda is gister weer heropen nadat dit ‘n jaar lank gesluit was vir herstelwerk. ‘n Miljoen mans en vroue is vanaf Angola opgelaai en verskeep om in Portugese kolonies soos Brasilië se myne en plantasies te gaan werk.

“Die geskiedenis van Angola is oorheers deur die handel in slawe tot en met die negentiende eeu, wat ook die rede vir die yl demografie en selfs onderontwikkeling is wat ons vandag waarneem” het die Direkteur en antropoloog  Siamo Souindula tydens die openingseremonie gesê. Die Minister van Kultuur, Boaventura Cardoso, het die seremonie gelei.

Honderde artikels wat deur die Potrugese koloniale owerhede gebruik is om slawe te jag tussen die 1400 en 1800 word in die Museum uitgestal.  Die gebou wat die tentoonstelling huisves is die "Capela da Casa Grande", ‘n kapel waar die gevangenes eers gedoop is alvorens hulle aan boord gegaan het om die seereis na suikerplantasies in Brasilië en goudmyne in Sao Tomé en Principe te begin.

Mnr. Souindula glo dat die heropening van die Museum, 25km suid van die hoofstad, die herontdekking van die land se geskiedenis sal aanwakker. “Onderwysers, navorsers en studente het nou ‘n belangrike bron van inligting wat hulle kan help met hul ondersoeke,” het hy verklaar.

“Dit is ‘n plek waar die verskillende volke van Angola byeenkom want verskillende etniese groepe was slagoffers van slawerny. Dit funksioneer dus as ‘n vertrekpunt vir die nasionale rekonstruksie van Angola.” Die land was in ‘n burgeroorlog gedompel vanaf sy onafhanklikheidswording in 1975 tot 2002.

Portugal het slawerny in sy kolonies afgeskaf op 10 Desember 1836, nadat druk uit Brittanje gekom het wat besluit het dat abolisie deurgevoer sal word op 25 Maart 1807.

Volgens sekere geskiedskrywers is meer as ‘n miljoen slawe uit Angola ontvoer nadat Portugal met die verbouing van suiker in Brasilië begin het in die sestiende eeu. Ook het die ontdekking van goud in die Minas Gerais provinsie ‘n eeu later ‘n aanvraag na slawearbeid uit Afrika geskep. 

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Mbeki se onverantwoordelike immigrasiebeleid

Die ANC-president, Thabo Mbeki, se verklaring dat Suid-Afrikaners vir lief moet neem met die groot aantal onwettige immigrante wat oor ons grense stroom, getuig van die uiterste onverantwoordelikheid. Trouens, in enige ander nywerheidsland sou so ‘n stelling politieke selfmoord beteken.

Die boodskap wat Mbeki aan die grensbeheeramptenare, polisie en binnelandse sake oordra, is dat hulle maar kan verslap en anderpad mag kyk terwyl onwettiges ons land binnekom.

As minderheidsgroep wat grootliks die Suid-Afrikaanse staat en infrastruktuur geskep het, kan die Afrikaner nie eenvoudig toekyk hoe hierdie land waarvoor ons geveg het op ‘n skinkbord aan vreemdelinge oorhandig word nie.

Geen van die vreemdelinge wat tans onwettig hier is, moet toegelaat om in ons land aan te bly nie. Sodra verantwoordelike regering in Suid-Afrika herstel word, moet hulle in oorleg met hul lande van herkoms permanent gedeporteer word. Behoorlike grensbeheer soos dit in Europese lande toegepas word, moet onverwyld herstel word.

Tot 1989 het die geëlektrifiseerde heining op die Limpopogrens goed gefunksioneer. Daardie heining en ander moet so gou moontlik herstel en in werking gestel word.

Daar woon 600 miljoen mense suid van die Sahara wat weens die wanbestuur en korrupsie van hul regerings in uiterste armoede verkeer. Logies sal ‘n hoë persentasie van hulle poog om hulle hier te vestig, vanweë ons ontwikkelde ekonomie en maatskaplike dienste. Terwyl Suid-Afrika reeds sukkel om sy armoede-, behuisings-, water-, riool-, elektrisiteits- en ander probleme te hanteer, sal die instroming van miljoene vreemdelinge die land op sy knieë dwing, asook op die duur etniese konflik veroorsaak. Daar is reeds verskeie oorloë in Afrika aan die gang weens transnasionale migrasie wat in die verlede plaasgevind het, onder andere in die Ivoorkus, DRK, Darfoer/Soedan, Kenia en Tsjad.

Nie net dryf onwettige immigrasie in ‘n hoë mate ons misdaadprobleem nie, maar dit oorskadu selfs misdaad as die enkele belangrikste krisis wat die land bedreig.

Ons moet terselfdertyd ons teleurstelling uitspreek met die reaksie, of gebrek daaraan, van die sogenaamde opposisiepartye. Dit is gebiedend noodsaaklik dat ‘n opposisieparty of -beweging tot stand moet kom wat die ware belange van Suid-Afrikaners op die hart dra.

Mbeki speel met vuur. Suid-Afrika is inderdaad leierloos en huiwer op die rand van ‘n ramp, terwyl geweldsmisdaad tier en vreemdelinge ongehinderd ons grondgebied beset.

Red ons land voor dit te laat is!

online gamesДанильченко Юрий Харьков

‘De la Rey’ – liedjie of strydkreet?

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Vlnr: Eloff, Matshikiza, Zoid, Roodt, Van Graan, Perlman

“Reënboog se moer. Die blanke bevolking is meer bevoorreg as ooit,” was John Matshikiza, akteur, skrywer en regisseur, se antwoord op ’n stelling dat mense steeds die omstrede liedjie “De la Rey” kan geniet.

Die De la Rey-verskynsel is bespreek tydens ’n debat van die Critical Thinking Forum wat vandeesweek deur die koerant The Mail & Guardian en ABSA in Johannesburg gereël is. Matshikiza was lid van ’n paneel van bekendes wat genooi is om hul menings oor “Die sin van ‘De la Rey’” te lug.

John Perlman, die bekende joernalis en aanbieder, het as fasiliteerder opgetree, maar had sy hande vol om te keer dat die debat geheel en al in ’n rasse-argument verval.

Volgens die eerste spreker, Errol Smith, Kommunikasiebestuurder van ABSA se groepsuitvoerende hoof, “is debat en spraakvryheid in ons land nou belangriker as ooit”. Hy het gesê dat ABSA glo dat die liedjie toon hoe ver Suid-Afrika al as demokrasie gevorder het en wat nog steeds in die land vermag moet word. Hy het die "heavy metal"-orkes Anthrax aangehaal, “If we were blind and had no choice, would we hate each other with the tone of our voice?”

Dr. Theuns Eloff, rektor van die Noordwes-universiteit, het gemeen dat “De la Rey” as ’n verrassing gekom het. “Enersyds is mense bang dat dit die regse Boeretipes mag inspireer – wat vergesog is. Andersyds kan dit as anti-swart gesien word, maar die woorde en die inslag weerspreek dié interpretasie,” het hy gesê. “Dis ’n nostalgiese, historiese ballade – nie ’n revolusionêre lied nie.”

Matshikiza was van mening dat “De la Rey” meer as ’n lied is en dat daar altyd ’n bedekte boodskap in die geskiedenis is. “Die Boere is opgevoed om kaffers te haat en die kaffers om Boere te haat,” het hy gesê.

Hy het voorts beweer dat “De la Rey was per ongeluk gewild weens die groter koopkrag van blankes en Boere. Die blankes doen steeds ’n beroep op (generaal Koos) de la Rey om hulle uit die swart land na die Beloofde Land te lei.”

Die sangeres Karen Zoid het aanvanklik geargumenteer dat die skrywers van die lied wat deur Bok van Blerk gesing word niks polities bedoel het nie, maar die persepsie rondom “De la Rey” is die probleem. “Wat ’n verspotte ding om te sê. Wat sê hierdie lied vir ons mense?” het sy opgemerk. “Ek is ’n Christen en ek glo dat mag in taal gesetel is. Bok, waar is jy vanaand?”

Dr. Dan Roodt, redakteur van die Praagwebblad, het Zoid se stelling weerlê. “Totdat hierdie liedjie op die toneel verskyn het, is ons (die Afrikaners) uit die Suid-Afrikaanse geskiedenis verwyder. ‘De la Rey’ druk die pessimisme van ’n sterwende volk uit. Soos ’n ander sanger onlangs gesing het, ‘My Sarie Marais is dood. Sy lê iewers in ’n sloot.”

“‘De la Rey’ is nostalgies want dit verwys na ’n tyd toe die Afrikaner steeds geveg het, op ’n manier is ons nou oorwin,” het hy bygevoeg.

Die dramaturg Mike van Graan beskou “De la Rey” as ’n hulpkreet aan die voorouers. Volgens hom ervaar Suid-Afrikaners ’n gebrek aan leierskap in ons samelewing. “Hoe streef ons tegelyk geregtigheid en versoening na?” het hy gevra. “Nou ervaar ons die trauma van die oorgang en beskik oor geen leier om ons daardeur te lei nie. Mense vind daarom ’n soort leierskap in die liedjie. Maar ons behoort dit nie te oorbeklemtoon nie, dis geen politieke propaganda nie.”

Volgens ’n meningsartikel deur Antjie Krog, is die onderskeid tussen reg en verkeerd in vandag se samelewing dubbelsinnig. “Moet ons sleg wees, sodat hulle goed kan wees?” vra sy.

Eloff het voorts verklaar dat Suid-Afrikaners nie karikature van die verlede behoort te skep om ons huidige vrese te besweer nie. Hy verskil van Van Graan dat ons nie ‘De la Rey’ behoort te gebruik om mense op te sweep nie. “Maar jy kan nog steeds die liedjie geniet – ons is ’n reënboognasie wat verskeidenheid en eenheid in Suid-Afrika nastreef,” het hy bygevoeg. Dis in antwoord op dié stelling dat Matshikiza “reënboog se moer” gesê het.

“Een mens se held is ’n ander se verdrukker,” het Zoid opgemerk. “Jong kinders staan op aandag met die ou Suid-Afrikaanse vlag wat hoog gehou word as hulle ‘De la Rey’ hoor, maar hulle het geen benul waarmee hulle besig is nie. Ná elke politieke beweging volg ’n kunstenaarsbeweging.”

Roodt het gesê: “Buitelandse ambassades erken nie eens dat daar Afrikaners in Suid-Afrika oor is nie. ‘De la Rey’ herinner mense daaraan dat ons steeds bestaan. Ons is monsters, maar nie die grootste monsters nie.”

Volgens Van Graan het die hele probleem ontstaan omdat Suid-Afrikaners mekaar nie ken en verstaan nie. “Ek dink dat ‘De la Rey’ oordryf word, miskien neem ons dit te ernstig op.”

Eloff het bygevoeg dat dat die liedjie sal verbygaan. “Ek wil die stelling maak dat dit uiteindelik meer goed as kwaad sal doen.”

Elsabé Zietsman, die bekende sangeres wat ook die debat bygewoon het, het gesê dat die liedjie nie as ’n volkslied geskryf is nie, maar om geld te maak.

медицинская справка 86Александр Фильчаков