Etiket: Hillbrow

deur Leon Lemmer

Dit is bekend dat baie Jode sterk oor hulle identiteit voel; dat hulle hulle geskiedenis ken en eer en hulle kultuur, bv godsdiens, bly aanhang al woon hulle seker meer verspreid oor die aarde as enige ander etniese groep. Toe Jode met die vorige Suid-Afrikaanse politieke bedeling gekonfronteer is, het sommige apartheid as die soort rassediskriminasie beskou wat aan naziïsme herinner. Hulle het hulle dus by die swartes in hulle “vryheidstryd” geskaar.

Ander Jode het anders gereageer en besef dat dit vir die blankes en veral die Afrikaners om oorlewing en om die behoud van hulle identiteit en die handhawing van beskaafde Westerse standaarde gaan. Apartheid was nie “a theory of white supremacy” nie, maar eerder”a strategy for survival” (Mercer, bron hieronder, Kindle 1653). Hans Strijdom het bv gedink “white hegemony was indispensable for the good of all” (1658). Hermann Giliomee meen “Afrikaner anxieties were overwhelmingly existential, rather than racial” (1671). “Israel was … perhaps the only friend which the Old, orderly South Africa had” (4013). “The New South Africa is anything but a friend to Israel” (4034), “that small spot of sanity in a sea of savagery” (4280).

Al het sommige Jode se politieke simpatie aanvanklik by die swartes gelê, het die wrede werklikheid van die tirannie van die meerderheid hulle op groot skaal laat emigreer. Ilana Mercer is so ‘n geval. Ek skryf na aanleiding van haar boek, Into the cannibal’s pot: Lessons for America from post-apartheid South Africa (Seattle: Stairway Press, 2011, 340p; Amazon Kindle $11.99). Die boektitel “is inspired by Ayn Rand’s wise counsel against prostrating civilization to savagery” (535), oftewel “putting Ghana over Grandma” (3516). Rand: “In America … the majority of religious people … do not accept on faith the idea of jumping into a cannibal’s pot and giving away their last shirt to the backward people of the world” (535).

Die boek is onder meer opgedra aan “my Afrikaner brothers betrayed.” ‘n Mens kan jou kwalik ‘n boek voorstel wat meer positief Afrikanergesind as hierdie een is, bv: “There are no better farmers than the hardy Boers” (5104). Sy verwys onder meer dikwels na die menings van Dan Roodt, wat op haar webtuiste “South Africa’s finest polemicist” genoem word. As Jodin het sy die verdere voordeel dat sy nie die Engelse of Britte (of selfs die deursnee Amerikaners) ter wille hoef te wees nie. Maar dit was vir die outeur, weens die epidemie van politieke korrektheid, uiters moeilik om ‘n uitgewer te vind, al is die teks uitstekend geskryf en die inligting deeglik nagevors.

In die boek is daar volgens ‘n kritikus glo ‘n “‘unhealthy’ preoccupation with the methodical ethnic cleansing of the Afrikaner farmer” (199), bv “Afrikaner farmers … are being culled like springbok in a hunting safari” (461). “Upward of 3 000 members of this once 40 000-strong community – almost ten percent – have hitherto been exterminated” (466); “slaughtered in ways that would do Shaka Zulu proud” (1241). “This makes farming in South Africa the most dangerous occupation in the world” (1247).

Dié kanker het sy oorsprong in die strydlied van MK, die terreurarm van die ANC, wat deur Nelson Mandela gestig is: “Kill them – kill the whites” (3027). “Problematic too is Mandela’s Orwellian use of the word ‘deracialisation,’ when what he was in fact describing and prescribing is racialization – a coerced state of affairs whereby the economy is forced, by hook or by crook, to reflect the country’s racial composition” (3110).

Heel aan die begin verwys Mercer na Richard Goldstone (Praag 13 Okt), wat eens hartlik met die “apartheidsregime” saamgewerk maar hom daarna in Amerika gevestig het. Goldstone: “We now have, I’m proud to say, a working, wonderful democracy in South Africa” (169). Mercer huldig die teenoorgestelde standpunt: “When South Africa was governed by a racist white minority, it was scorned by the West and treated as Saddam Hussein was, with boycotts and sanctions. Now that a racist, black-majority government controls the country; that it is as violent as Iraq, Liberia, or the Congo, and rapidly becoming another Islamist-friendly, failed African state, it is the toast of the West” (389).

“The ‘New South Africa’ is [volgens Robert Guest], after all, not so new. It is being wrecked by the very ‘cronyism that has wrecked the rest of Africa'” (2120). Mercer verwys na ‘n “dying Christian civilization at the tip of Africa” (408). “The Old South Africa could only have improved; the New South Africa can but decline” (422). Andrew Kenny: “If you want to see the future of South Africa, it might not be a bad idea to look at the present in Zimbabwe” (510; ook 3202). Zimbabwe het gevorder van “Africa’s breadbasket” tot “dustbowl” (2807). “Except for Rhodesia before Mugabe, minority-ruled South Africa, with all its depredations, offered Africans more than any other country on the Dark Continent” (3691).

Die outeur is in Johannesburg gebore as die dogter van ‘n rabbi, Abraham Benzion Isaacson, ‘n anti-apartheidsaktivis wie se voorouers aan die begin van die 20ste eeu uit Rusland gevlug het. Isaacson was glo in die jare sestig verplig om na Israel uit te wyk, waar Mercer grootgeword het. Sy het egter in die 1980’s na Suid-Afrika teruggekeer, is hier getroud, maar het in 1995 na Kanada geëmigreer en in 2002 in Amerika gaan woon. Sy het egter baie goed op die hoogte gebly met wat in Suid-Afrika gebeur. Sy skryf oor “the embarrassment that is the democratic South Africa – the crumbling infrastructure of this once First World country, and the out-of-control crime – down to an ongoing mini-genocide” (397), asook die “unparalleled, radical, race-based wealth-distribution policies” (402).

“Hillbrow was then a hip, cosmopolitan, Johannesburg suburb. Today it is South Africa’s Harlem” (822). Daar was “the magnificent five-star Carlton Hotel … It closed in 1997; the safety of the guests could no longer be guaranteed” (829). “South Africa – with its space program and skyscrapers – was not exactly the product of the people currently dismantling it. Instead, it was the creation of British and Dutch colonists and their descendants” (1211). “Some people build; others destroy” (1277).

Soos tydens apartheid is die ANC-regering besig met “restructuring society around race. With one distinction: more people are murdered in one week under African rule than died under the detention of the Afrikaner government over the course of roughly four decades” (402). “If the sanctity of life is the highest value in a civilized society, then the New South Africa has little to recommend it” (441). “Universal suffrage is not to be conflated with freedom” (412). “A civilized society, ultimately, is one in which the individual can go about the business of life unmolested. If he can’t do that simple thing, of what value is the vote?” (417).

“You’d be hard pressed to find a family in democratic South Africa whose members have not been brutalized … They tell of the lives of good people ruined by rubbish” (593). “Realism is not racism. The undeniable reality is that, a decade since the abrupt transfer of power, the rule of the demos has turned a once-prosperous, if politically problematic, place into a lawless ramshackle” (631). “South Africans are fed up (‘gatvol’ in Afrikaans) with crime” (701). Sy verwys na die 69 swartes wat in 1990 by Sharpeville gesterf het en waarvan so dikwels in anti-apartheid propaganda gewag gemaak word. “In democratic South Africa that’s the daily carnage” (715).

“Few realize that during the decades of the apartheid regime a few hundred Africans in total perished as a direct and indirect consequence of police brutality. A horrible injustice, indubitably, but nothing approximating the death toll in ‘free’ South Africa, where hundreds of Africans, white and black, perish weekly. Nor did apartheid’s casualties come close to the ANC’s during ‘the armed struggle.’ Freedom’s forebears ‘necklaced’ 400 non-combatants, and murdered hundreds more – Zulu opposition, state informers and witnesses, rural headmen, urban councilors” (719). “Under apartheid, on average, 7 036 people were murdered each year, a small number compared to the carnage under the ANCniks: 24 206 annually” (730).

“Clearly, the era of apartheid remains a Golden Age with respect to the sanctity of life, for blacks and whites alike” (750). “Fifty-one percent of victims no longer bother to report crime, given that corruption is rife, arrests rare, and prosecutions and convictions still rarer” (736). “A hardcore criminal … has a ninety percent chance of getting away with murder … the country now has one of the world’s highest murder rates and lowest conviction rates” (840). “Lucky are the outlaws in the New South Africa” (952). Violent crime in the New South Africa is predominantly black on black and black on white. Since the demise of apartheid, it has both increased and spread from slum to suburb” (763).

Tydens die grondwetlike onderhandelings [sommige/enkele] Afrikaners “surrendered without defeat,” volgens Hermann Giliomee (793; ook 4288). Mercer: “Whites ceded mastery over their destiny” (1206). FW de Klerk “acceded to crude majoritarianism, thereby forfeiting equal treatment for white South Africans within a democratic South Africa” (2258). Dít nadat De Klerk die 1992-referendum onder die leuse, “Oppose majority rule” gewen het (4621). Mercer bevestig, soos Giliomee, dat De Klerk geen mandaat van die blanke kiesers vir magsoorgawe gehad het nie (4622).

“One day a white, relatively well-educated minority dominated all institutions; the next a skills-deficient black majority took over” (2383). Dit was ‘n geval van “minute-made democracy” (4947) in sy rouste vorm; dus eerder “idiocracy” (4974) “South Africa now has a political system which, as Mr Ralfe puts it, is ‘run by jailbirds'” (1332). “Europeans are … particularly and uniquely vulnerable within this political dispensation” (1206). “Empowering majorities in Africa has helped, not hindered, the propensity of hostile masses to extract revenge on helpless minorities” (1219). “A small but growing number of blacks [are] experiencing ‘apartheid nostalgia … it was a time when things worked better'” (812).

Die outeur verwys na wat Robert Guest, ‘n Economist-joernalis, “the world’s most extreme affirmative action program” noem. [Lees gerus Guest se uitstekende boek, The shackled continent: Africa’s past, present and future (2004).] Mercer bestempel dit as “a coercive transfer of private wealth from those who create it to those who consume it” (482; ook 2303); “a willingness to ‘sacrifice performance for racial ideology'” (1781). Dit is ‘n geval van “wealth distribution usurping wealth creation” (2282). “All redistribution … involves ‘taking’ from the original owners and/or producers … and ‘giving’ to nonowners and non-producers” (4721).

Hierdie rassisme vind uitdrukking in voorgeskrewe raskwotas; ‘n “quota culture” (2245). Mercer verwys na “race-based wealth distribution” (2091), oftewel “redistributive ‘justice'” (2251), en “racist labor litigation” (2091), bv dat staatskontrakte aan swart maatskappye toegeken word en die werkerskorps die demografie moet weerspieël. “Business must keep paperwork documenting their pigment-driven poaching” (2145). “‘Social justice’ becomes a demand for redistribution and revenge … making the more ‘fortunate’ fork over their fortunes to the less fortunate” (2469). “Bit by barbaric bit, South Africa is being dismantled by official racial socialism” (3159).

Oor grondherverdeling: “It seems to me patent that land that has been farmed intensively and scientifically must never be given to men whose capacity and craving is for kraal life” (2031). Volgens die Bybel mag ons nie begeer nie, maar in die nuwe Suid-Afrika is die reël: “Covet and you shall be rewarded” (2053); ‘n geval van “placate the envious by taking from those they envy” (2464). “In South Africa, the pool of haves is destined to be drained, or shrink to an unsustainable size” (2777). “In the United States, the ratio of voters to taxpayers is approximately two to one; in South Africa it is a stupefying eleven to one” (4738). “We must question the sheer waste and wholesale destruction of wealth which this supposed justice entails” (2058). “The Department of Rural Development and Land Reform has admitted that ninety percent of redistributed farms were ‘dysfunctional'” (2062). Misdaad kan nie sonder meer aan armoede toegedig word nie. “Wealth disparities fail to explain away the sadism invested in the onslaught against white South Africans” (1178).

Mercer het haar boek veral met die oog op Amerikaanse lesers geskryf. Maar daar is vir plaaslike lesers goeie inligting oor “progressiewe” denke in bv Amerika, soos:

• “Crimes are caused, not committed.”
• “Evil action don’t incriminate, they mitigate.”
• “Perp[etrator]s don’t do a crime, but are driven to their deeds by forces beyond their control” (3235).
• “The Boer killer is a ‘victim’ of apartheid” (3259).
• “Crime is caused by deprivation and not depravity. Therefore, accelerating race-based wealth distribution will remove the reasons for crime” (3264).
• “If colonialism was our [die wittes se] original sin, capitalism is our cardinal sin” (3246).

“Liberal intellectuals have made careers out of blaming the West for problems that were endemic to many societies both before and after their experiences as European colonies … The truth is that colonization constituted the least tumultuous period in African history” (3297). “Since the colonial powers decamped, economic conditions have declined across the Dark Continent” (3308). “Labor productivity is the main determinant of wages – and wealth. People in die West produce what they consume – and much more; they don’t remove, or steal it from Third Worlders … The concept of a wealth gap is an extension of the politically contrived construct of exploitation – rich of poor, North of South” (3317).

“Colonists in Africa reduced the state of squalor, disease and death associated with lack of development … once introduced to potable water, sanitation, transportation, and primary healthcare, few Africans wish to do without them” (3361). ‘n Gewilde verwyt is “that the colonial powers plundered Africa and failed to plow back profits into the place” (3373). “The infrastructure in Africa was built by the colonial powers,” maar al wat ‘n mens hoor, is die koloniale lande “got rich on the backs of poor nations” (3380). “The West is what it is due to human capital – people of superior ideas and abilities” (3389). “The colonial powers enchanced, rather than hindered, progress” (3422).

“South Africa is a microcosm of what America could become” (487). Mario Rantho van die ANC word soos volg aangehaal: “It is imperative to get rid of merit as the overriding principle in the appointment of public servants” (2075). Geen wonder dienslewering in die openbare sektor is so pateties nie. Volgens Mercer moet daar in Amerika teruggekeer word na meriete en individualiteit. In die VSA is daar, soos in die nuwe Suid-Afrika “reverse-racism laws. Being black guarantees special privileges” (2700). “Be it in the US or in South Africa, preferential treatment, enforced by legal fiat and rooted in the characteristics of a group (race) rather than the value of the individual, flouts justice in every respect” (493). “Creedal multiculturalism simply doesn’t admit of the possibility that aptitudes and abilities may vary by culture or ethnicity, as well as from one individual to another” (2708).