Khoi San Internasionaal verwerp

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Rhoda Khadalie

Nie minder nie as 46 naamsveranderinge word tans in Kaapstad oorweeg. Volgens ’n aankondiging gister van Helen Zille, die stad se burgemeester, sal die name nou geadverteer word en die publiek genooi word om kommentaar te lewer. Die name sal daarna deur die burgemeesterskomitee oorweeg word.

’n Paneel onder leiding van Rhoda Kadalie het voorgestel dat Kromboom-straat in die suidelike deel van Kaapstad na die musikant Taliep Petersen vernoem word. Hendrik Verwoerd-rylaan in Panorama kan nou Beyers Naude-rylaan word, Hans Strydom-laan in die middestad Albert Luthuli-laan en JB Hertzog-boulevard Nelson Mandela-boulevard. Ander figure wat herdenk sal word, sluit Jan Rabie, Uys Krige, die hartchirurg Chris Barnard en ANC-vryheidsvegters soos Anton Fransch en Ashley Kriel in. Die paneel het verder besluit dat al die NY-strate in Guguletu verander behoort te word. NY staan vir “Native Yard.“

Die paneellede het téén die voorstel besluit om die lughawe te vernoem na Khoi San Internasionaal. Hulle het ook besluit téén die verandering van De Waal-rylaan na Hoerikwaggo-rylaan en het eerder die naam van die PAC-leier Philip Kgosana voorgestel. ’n Verdere voorstel om Oswald Pirow-straat in die middestad na Anti Nazi-straat te herdoop, is ook verwerp.

Intussen gaan die hofsaak van die Demokratiese Alliansie teen die 176 voorgestelde naamsveranderinge in Durban voort. Meer nuus in hierdie verband word môre verwag.

 

интернет магазин детскийОлександр Фільчаков прокурор

Read the sunspots

Politicians and environmentalists these days convey the impression that climate-change research is an exceptionally dull field with little left to discover. We are assured by everyone from David Suzuki to Al Gore to Prime Minister Stephen Harper that "the science is settled." At the recent G8 summit, German Chancellor Angela Merkel even attempted to convince world leaders to play God by restricting carbon-dioxide emissions to a level that would magically limit the rise in world temperatures to 2C.

The fact that science is many years away from properly understanding global climate doesn’t seem to bother our leaders at all. Inviting testimony only from those who don’t question political orthodoxy on the issue, parliamentarians are charging ahead with the impossible and expensive goal of "stopping global climate change." Liberal MP Ralph Goodale’s June 11 House of Commons assertion that Parliament should have "a real good discussion about the potential for carbon capture and sequestration in dealing with carbon dioxide, which has tremendous potential for improving the climate, not only here in Canada but around the world," would be humorous were he, and even the current government, not deadly serious about devoting vast resources to this hopeless crusade.

Climate stability has never been a feature of planet Earth. The only constant about climate is change; it changes continually and, at times, quite rapidly. Many times in the past, temperatures were far higher than today, and occasionally, temperatures were colder. As recently as 6,000 years ago, it was about 3C warmer than now. Ten thousand years ago, while the world was coming out of the thou-sand-year-long "Younger Dryas" cold episode, temperatures rose as much as 6C in a decade — 100 times faster than the past century’s 0.6C warming that has so upset environmentalists.

Climate-change research is now literally exploding with new findings. Since the 1997 Kyoto Protocol, the field has had more research than in all previous years combined and the discoveries are completely shattering the myths. For example, I and the first-class scientists I work with are consistently finding excellent correlations between the regular fluctuations in the brightness of the sun and earthly climate. This is not surprising. The sun and the stars are the ultimate source of all energy on the planet.

My interest in the current climate-change debate was triggered in 1998, when I was funded by a Natural Sciences and Engineering Research Council strategic project grant to determine if there were regular cycles in West Coast fish productivity. As a result of wide swings in the populations of anchovies, herring and other commercially important West Coast fish stock, fisheries managers were having a very difficult time establishing appropriate fishing quotas. One season there would be abundant stock and broad harvesting would be acceptable; the very next year the fisheries would collapse. No one really knew why or how to predict the future health of this crucially important resource.

Although climate was suspected to play a significant role in marine productivity, only since the beginning of the 20th century have accurate fishing and temperature records been kept in this region of the northeast Pacific. We needed indicators of fish productivity over thousands of years to see whether there were recurring cycles in populations and what phenomena may be driving the changes.

My research team began to collect and analyze core samples from the bottom of deep Western Canadian fjords. The regions in which we chose to conduct our research, Effingham Inlet on the West Coast of Vancouver Island, and in 2001, sounds in the Belize-Seymour Inlet complex on the mainland coast of British Columbia, were perfect for this sort of work. The topography of these fjords is such that they contain deep basins that are subject to little water transfer from the open ocean and so water near the bottom is relatively stagnant and very low in oxygen content. As a consequence, the floors of these basins are mostly lifeless and sediment layers build up year after year, undisturbed over millennia.

Using various coring technologies, we have been able to collect more than 5,000 years’ worth of mud in these basins, with the oldest layers coming from a depth of about 11 metres below the fjord floor. Clearly visible in our mud cores are annual changes that record the different seasons: corresponding to the cool, rainy winter seasons, we see dark layers composed mostly of dirt washed into the fjord from the land; in the warm summer months we see abundant fossilized fish scales and diatoms (the most common form of phytoplankton, or single-celled ocean plants) that have fallen to the fjord floor from nutrient-rich surface waters. In years when warm summers dominated climate in the region, we clearly see far thicker layers of diatoms and fish scales than we do in cooler years. Ours is one of the highest-quality climate records available anywhere today and in it we see obvious confirmation that natural climate change can be dramatic. For example, in the middle of a 62-year slice of the record at about 4,400 years ago, there was a shift in climate in only a couple of seasons from warm, dry and sunny conditions to one that was mostly cold and rainy for several decades.

Using computers to conduct what is referred to as a "time series analysis" on the colouration and thickness of the annual layers, we have discovered repeated cycles in marine productivity in this, a region larger than Europe. Specifically, we find a very strong and consistent 11-year cycle throughout the whole record in the sediments and diatom remains. This correlates closely to the well-known 11-year "Schwabe" sunspot cycle, during which the output of the sun varies by about 0.1%. Sunspots, violent storms on the surface of the sun, have the effect of increasing solar output, so, by counting the spots visible on the surface of our star, we have an indirect measure of its varying brightness. Such records have been kept for many centuries and match very well with the changes in marine productivity we are observing.

In the sediment, diatom and fish-scale records, we also see longer period cycles, all correlating closely with other well-known regular solar variations. In particular, we see marine productivity cycles that match well with the sun’s 75-90-year "Gleissberg Cycle," the 200-500-year "Suess Cycle" and the 1,100-1,500-year "Bond Cycle." The strength of these cycles is seen to vary over time, fading in and out over the millennia. The variation in the sun’s brightness over these longer cycles may be many times greater in magnitude than that measured over the short Schwabe cycle and so are seen to impact marine productivity even more significantly.

Our finding of a direct correlation between variations in the brightness of the sun and earthly climate indicators (called "proxies") is not unique. Hundreds of other studies, using proxies from tree rings in Russia’s Kola Peninsula to water levels of the Nile, show exactly the same thing: The sun appears to drive climate change.

However, there was a problem. Despite this clear and repeated correlation, the measured variations in incoming solar energy were, on their own, not sufficient to cause the climate changes we have observed in our proxies. In addition, even though the sun is brighter now than at any time in the past 8,000 years, the increase in direct solar input is not calculated to be sufficient to cause the past century’s modest warming on its own. There had to be an amplifier of some sort for the sun to be a primary driver of climate change.

Indeed, that is precisely what has been discovered. In a series of groundbreaking scientific papers starting in 2002, Veizer, Shaviv, Carslaw, and most recently Svensmark et al., have collectively demonstrated that as the output of the sun varies, and with it, our star’s protective solar wind, varying amounts of galactic cosmic rays from deep space are able to enter our solar system and penetrate the Earth’s atmosphere. These cosmic rays enhance cloud formation which, overall, has a cooling effect on the planet. When the sun’s energy output is greater, not only does the Earth warm slightly due to direct solar heating, but the stronger solar wind generated during these "high sun" periods blocks many of the cosmic rays from entering our atmosphere. Cloud cover decreases and the Earth warms still more.

The opposite occurs when the sun is less bright. More cosmic rays are able to get through to Earth’s atmosphere, more clouds form, and the planet cools more than would otherwise be the case due to direct solar effects alone. This is precisely what happened from the middle of the 17th century into the early 18th century, when the solar energy input to our atmosphere, as indicated by the number of sunspots, was at a minimum and the planet was stuck in the Little Ice Age. These new findings suggest that changes in the output of the sun caused the most recent climate change. By comparison, CO2 variations show little correlation with our planet’s climate on long, medium and even short time scales.

In some fields the science is indeed "settled." For example, plate tectonics, once highly controversial, is now so well-established that we rarely see papers on the subject at all. But the science of global climate change is still in its infancy, with many thousands of papers published every year. In a 2003 poll conducted by German environmental researchers Dennis Bray and Hans von Storch, two-thirds of more than 530 climate scientists from 27 countries surveyed did not believe that "the current state of scientific knowledge is developed well enough to allow for a reasonable assessment of the effects of greenhouse gases." About half of those polled stated that the science of climate change was not sufficiently settled to pass the issue over to policymakers at all.

Solar scientists predict that, by 2020, the sun will be starting into its weakest Schwabe solar cycle of the past two centuries, likely leading to unusually cool conditions on Earth. Beginning to plan for adaptation to such a cool period, one which may continue well beyond one 11-year cycle, as did the Little Ice Age, should be a priority for governments. It is global cooling, not warming, that is the major climate threat to the world, especially Canada. As a country at the northern limit to agriculture in the world, it would take very little cooling to destroy much of our food crops, while a warming would only require that we adopt farming techniques practiced to the south of us.

Meantime, we need to continue research into this, the most complex field of science ever tackled, and immediately halt wasted expenditures on the King Canute-like task of "stopping climate change."

 

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Franse ‘komedie’ kom tot ‘n einde

Alhoewel die PS, die Franse Sosialistiese Party, effens beter gedoen het as wat verwag is in die naweek se parlementêre verkiesings, gaan die Party gebuk onder ‘n leierskapskrisis nadat Ségolène Royal teenoor Sarkozy verloor het in haar stryd om as die eerste vroulike president van Frankryk te aangewys te word.

In Royal se pasverskene boek "Les coulisses d’une défaite" [Agter die skerms van ‘n nederlaag] kondig sy aan wat die Franse pers nou al ‘n geruime tyd oor gons: Sy en haar metgesel, die leier van die PS, François Hollande, se paaie gaan skei.

“Ek het Francois Hollande gevra om die huis te verlaat en sy nuwe verhouding, nou oral in boeke en koerante uitgestal, elders te gaan uitleef en ek wens hom alle geluk daarmee toe,” verklaar Royal in haar boek. Die twee was nooit getroud nie.

Royal stel belang om die leisels van Hollande, met wie sy die afgelope 30 jaar saamgewoon het en vier kinders by het, oor te neem. Hollande het voor die eerste rondte reeds aangedui dat hy nie die moeder van sy kinders na die Elysées Paleis sal vergesel indien sy verkies word nie.

Sy staan waarskynlik ‘n goeie kans om wel as leier van haar Party aangewys te word ten spyte van groot onmin wat in Sosialistiese geledere heers. Haar onlangse toenadering tot die sentristiese Francois Bayrou het vir skerp kritiek uit die linkervleuel van die Party gesorg.

Indien sy wen sal sy vinnig met ‘n nuwe visie vir die Sosialiste vorendag moet kom. Nie dat sy veel te vrees het van ander aanspraakmakers uit eie kring in daardie opsig nie. Die geslag wat bekend staan as “Mitterand se kinders” is tans arm aan idees en planne om die PS in ‘n wenkoers te stuur.

Le Monde het verlig in ‘n hoofartikel gereageer dat die aankondiging uiteindelik gemaak is en die versuurde verhouding as ‘n “Vaudeville” komedie beskryf. Royal het tydens die verkiesingsveldtog volgehou dat hulle nog saam woon en geskerts dat Hollande nie haar aanbod van ‘n “romantiese” huwelik in Tahiti wou aanvaar nie.

Die paartjie het in 1978 ontmoet en het saam by die roemryke instelling waar Franse leiers opgelei word, ENA (Skool vir Nasionale Administrasie), gestudeer. Die nuwe Franse president was ook voor die verkiesing in die nuus nadat sy vrou Cécilia hom kortstondig verlaat het vir ‘n Amerikaner.

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Vroue m??t baat by grondhervorming

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Lulu Xingwana

Minister Lulu Xingwana het Dinsdag grond ter waarde van R1 miljard aan vier gemeenskappe in Mpumalanga oorhandig. Tydens die seremonie het sy gesê dat vroue moet baat vind by grondhervorming. Sy het altesaam 32 hektaar grond oorhandig aan die gemeenskappe van Lugedlane, Siboshwa, Hhoyi and Mbambiso wat in 1954 onteien is.

“Ons loof die vier stamhoofde en die gemeenskap wat ’n eis ingedien het om hulle grond terug te kry,“ het sy gesê. Sy het verder benadruk dat alhoewel die grond teen markverwante pryse teruggekoop is, die regering nie sal huiwer om grond te onteien as die regering en spesifieke grondeienaars nie tot ’n vergelyk kan kom nie. Daar sal onder geen omstandighede vir langer as ses maande meer met eienaars onderhandel word nie.

 

Volgens Xingwana is daar 5 279 grondeise uitstaande en sommige sal nie teen 2008 (president Mbeki se sperdatum) afgehandel wees nie.

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U.S. To Open Investigation of BAE Corruption

The U.S. Department of Justice is almost certain to open an investigation of the scandal-ridden, British-based global defense contractor BAE Systems under the Foreign Corrupt Practices Act, according to a report in the British-based Guardian Unlimited today.

 

[…] 

 

British Prime Minister Tony Blair, U.S. Vice president Dick Cheney, and former British Ministry of Defense procurement officer Baroness Liz Symons are tied up in the biggest bribery scandal in memory, involving at least $2 billion in payoffs to Saudi Prince Bandar over a 22-year period to secure weapons deals, and billions more in slush funds paid out elsewhere.
 

The U.S. criminal investigation, which the Guardian reports U.S. law enforcement sources say is "99% certain," will likely scuttle BAE’s plans for taking over major U.S. arms companies to become the world’s largest defense contractor. Immediately threatened is BAE’s attempted takeover of the American defense firm Armor Holdings, producer of Humvee armor, for $4.1 billion.
 

But the deeper implications of the scandal threaten to blow open the secret nexus of oil, international finance, and secret intelligence operations, which has controlled global politics since the death of Franklin Roosevelt.
 

The biggest loser in the still unfolding global "Watergate" could be Vice President Dick Cheney, whose close collusion with Prince Bandar has contributed to the slide of the entire Persian Gulf and Southwest Asia region into a state of total ungovernability and spreading civil war.
 

The governments of successive British Prime Ministers Margaret Thatcher, John Major and Tony Blair; the British Monarchy; and leading elements within the Saudi Royal Family are all highly implicated.
 

The reason for such seemingly unrelated developments as the mysterious death of British biological warfare expert David Kelly in July 2003, and the London safehousing of Chilean dictator Augusto Pinochet, a recipient of BAE payoffs from 1997 to 2004, can be expected to surface as this massive scandal unravels.
 

Investigations of BAE and the British cover-up of the bribery scandal are also underway in Switzerland, Sweden, and by the Europe-based Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development. An anti-fraud arm of the European Union, Euro-Just, is investigating similar bribery scandals in South Africa, the Czech Republic, Romania, Tanzania and Qatar.
 

Expect more explosive developments shortly.

купить детский рюкзак для девочкиОлександр Васильович Фільчаков

Scientist calls global warming ‘hooey’

Reid Bryson, known as the father of scientific climatology, considers global warming a bunch of hooey.

The UW-Madison professor emeritus, who stands against the scientific consensus on this issue, is referred to as a global warming skeptic. But he is not skeptical that global warming exists, he is just doubtful that humans are the cause of it.

There is no question the earth has been warming. It is coming out of the "Little Ice Age," he said in an interview this week.

"However, there is no credible evidence that it is due to mankind and carbon dioxide. We’ve been coming out of a Little Ice Age for 300 years. We have not been making very much carbon dioxide for 300 years. It’s been warming up for a long time," Bryson said.

The Little Ice Age was driven by volcanic activity. That settled down so it is getting warmer, he said.

Humans are polluting the air and adding carbon dioxide to the atmosphere, but the effect is tiny, Bryson said.

"It’s like there is an elephant charging in and you worry about the fact that there is a fly sitting on its head. It’s just a total misplacement of emphasis," he said. "It really isn’t science because there’s no really good scientific evidence."

Just because almost all of the scientific community believes in man-made global warming proves absolutely nothing, Bryson said. "Consensus doesn’t prove anything, in science or anywhere else, except in democracy, maybe."

Bryson, 87, was the founding chairman of the department of meteorology at UW-Madison and of the Institute for Environmental Studies, now known as the Gaylord Nelson Institute for Environmental Studies. He retired in 1985, but has gone into the office almost every day since. He does it without pay.

"I have now worked for zero dollars since I retired, long enough that I have paid back the people of Wisconsin every cent they paid me to give me a wonderful, wonderful career. So we are even now. And I feel good about that," said Bryson.

So, if global warming isn’t such a burning issue, why are thousands of scientists so concerned about it?

"Why are so many thousands not concerned about it?" Bryson shot back.

"There is a lot of money to be made in this," he added. "If you want to be an eminent scientist you have to have a lot of grad students and a lot of grants. You can’t get grants unless you say, ‘Oh global warming, yes, yes, carbon dioxide.’"

Speaking out against global warming is like being a heretic, Bryson noted.

And it’s not something that he does regularly.

"I can’t waste my time on that, I have too many other things to do," he said.

But if somebody asks him for his opinion on global warming, he’ll give it. "And I think I know about as much about it as anybody does."

Up against his students’ students: Reporters will often call the meteorology building seeking the opinion of a scientist and some beginning graduate student will pick up the phone and say he or she is a meteorologist, Bryson said. "And that goes in the paper as ‘scientists say.’"

The word of this young graduate student then trumps the views of someone like Bryson, who has been working in the field for more than 50 years, he said. "It is sort of a smear."

Bryson said he recently wrote something on the subject and two graduate students told him he was wrong, citing research done by one of their professors. That professor, Bryson noted, is probably the student of one of his students.

"Well, that professor happened to be wrong," he said.

"There is very little truth to what is being said and an awful lot of religion. It’s almost a religion. Where you have to believe in anthropogenic (or man-made) global warming or else you are nuts."

While Bryson doesn’t think that global warming is man-made, he said there is some evidence of an effect from mankind, but not an effect of carbon dioxide.

For example, in Wisconsin in the last 100 years the biggest heating has been around Madison, Milwaukee and in the Southeast, where the cities are. There was a slight change in the Green Bay area, he said. The rest of the state shows no warming at all.

"The growth of cities makes it hotter, but that was true back in the 1930s, too," Bryson said. "Big cities were hotter than the surrounding countryside because you concentrate the traffic and you concentrate the home heating. And you modify the surface, you pave a lot of it."

Bryson didn’t see Al Gore’s movie about global warming, "An Inconvenient Truth."

"Don’t make me throw up," he said. "It is not science. It is not true."

Not so fast, say scientists: Galen McKinley, an assistant professor of atmospheric and oceanic sciences at UW-Madison disagrees with Bryson, whom she notes is a respected researcher and professor with a long history at the university.

"There are innumerable studies that show that the shoe fits for global warming, I guess you could say, and the human causation for it," McKinley said.

"We understand very well the basic process of the greenhouse effect, which is that we know that the carbon dioxide in the atmosphere increases the heat trapped by the atmosphere. You put one dollar more in the bank and you have one dollar more there tomorrow. It’s a very clear feedback," she said.

Carbon dioxide emissions have been increasing over the industrial period, about 200 years, and can be observed very clearly through about 100 monitoring stations worldwide, McKinley said.

The concentration of carbon dioxide in the atmosphere is increasing consistently with the amount that humans are putting into the atmosphere, she said.

"We know humans are putting it there, we understand the basic mechanism and we know that the temperatures are warming. Many, many, many studies illustrate that both at the global scale and at the regional scale."

She cited the work of John Magnuson, a UW-Madison professor emeritus of limnology who is internationally known for his lake studies. Magnuson records the number of days of ice on the lakes in southern Wisconsin, including Mendota and Monona.

His research shows that over the course of the last 150 years, the average has gone from about four months of ice cover to more like 2.5 months, McKinley said.

Bryson would say that it is due to coming out of an Ice Age, McKinley notes, "but the rate of change that we are seeing on the planet is inconsistent with changes in the past that have been due to an Ice Age."

The huge changes in temperature that scientists are seeing are happening much faster than have ever been observed in the past due to the change from an Ice Age phase to a non-Ice Age phase, she said.

"We know that humans are putting CO2 into the atmosphere at an incredibly fast rate, much, much faster than any natural process has done it in the last at least 400,000 years and probably more like millions of years."

The rate of change is consistent with human activity, she said. That is why so many major scientific societies are concerned about global warming, she added.

The release in February of the latest report by the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) put the likelihood that human beings are the cause of global warming at 90 percent. It noted that temperatures will continue to climb for decades, that heat waves and floods will become more frequent and that the last time the Arctic and the Antarctic were warmer than they are today for an extended period — before the start of the last Ice Age — global sea levels were at least thirteen feet higher.

IPCC, founded in 1988, is the joint venture of the United Nations Environment Program and the World Meteorological Organization. Every four or five years, it conducts an exhaustive survey of the available data and issues a multivolume assessment of the state of the climate. IPCC’s reports are vetted by thousands of scientists and the organization’s 190-plus participating governments.

"My views are very similar to those expressed by IPCC," said Steve Vavrus, an associate scientist at the UW-Madison Center for Climatic Research.

"Reid Bryson maintains his long-standing opinions on anthropogenic climate change, and he’s certainly entitled to them," Vavrus said.

"The scientific process is never 100 percent sure and it could be proven wrong," McKinley added.

"But I would say that the chances of that based on all of the best information at this current time are incredibly slim. And even though that possibility is out there, it would be irresponsible of us as a society not to act based on the best scientific information we have at the moment, which is that humans are causing the warming of the planet," she said.

"If you saw smoke in your house, it would be irresponsible not to get your family out, right?"

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Alle Signale auf Gr?n

Deutsche Umwelttechnologien werden schon heute in alle Welt exportiert. Ein globaler Ökoboom könnte die Branche zum wichtigsten Industriezweig machen.

Die Grundfos-Magna ist kein Produkt, das seinem Besitzer in der Nachbarschaft besonderen Ruhm einbringt. Auch die Wilo-Stratos eignet sich nicht zum Protzen. Dabei handelt es sich bei beiden Produkten um technologisch hochwertige Erzeugnisse. Um echte Wundermaschinen.

Die Grundfos-Magna und die Wilo-Stratos sind Heizungspumpen der besonderen Art. Verglichen mit herkömmlichen Pumpen, verbrauchen sie nur ein Fünftel des Stroms, um das warme Wasser im Haus zirkulieren zu lassen. Brüsseler Kontrolleure haben sie mit dem Energielabel A ausgezeichnet. Schon drei Jahre nach dem Kauf, so beschreibt es Horst Elsner mit für seine Verhältnisse eher untechnischen Worten, verwandele sich die Pumpe »praktisch in eine Gelddruckmaschine«.

Elsner ist Präsident des Fachverbandes Pumpen + Systeme, der zum Verband Deutscher Maschinen- und Anlagenbau gehört. Wenn man ihn fragt, wie hoch die Nachfrage nach den Gelddruckmaschinen ist, antwortet er, dass es einen klaren »Trend zur Energiesparpumpe« gebe. Im vergangenen Jahr hätten die europäischen Hersteller doppelt so viele abgesetzt wie 2005. Zufrieden ist Elsner nicht. Denn im Verhältnis zu den Stromfresserpumpen kommen die Sparpumpen bisher nur auf einen Marktanteil von fünf Prozent.

Bleibt die grüne Technologie, die derzeit vier Prozent des deutschen Industrieumsatzes ausmacht, eine Nischenveranstaltung? Oder steht sie in Zeiten des Klimawandels vor einem gewaltigen Wachstum, das besonders der exportorientierten deutschen Wirtschaft ungeahnte Chancen bietet?

Sigmar Gabriel ist Optimist. Der Umweltminister prognostiziert der Wirtschaft ihr grünes Wunder: Im Deutschland des Jahres 2020 würden Geschäfte mit nachwachsenden Rohstoffen, effizienten Geräten und alternativen Energien das Wachstum treiben. Grüne Stromfabriken liefern dann jede vierte Kilowattstunde Strom. Umwelttechnologie-Unternehmen beschäftigen eine halbe Million Arbeitnehmer. Sie erwirtschaften ein Zehntel des Umsatzes der gesamten Industrie und lassen den Fahrzeugbau hinter sich. Und sie mischen weltweit in dem grünen Megageschäft mit. »Greentech made in Germany« könnte ein Zehntel eines 2200 Milliarden Euro schweren Weltmarktes ausmachen.

Der Umweltminister schwärmt von der »dritten industriellen Revolution«. Gabriels Visionen beruhen auf groß angelegten Studien der Unternehmensberatung Roland Berger, des Fraunhofer-Instituts für System- und Innovationsforschung (ISI) und des Deutschen Instituts für Wirtschaftsforschung (DIW).

Danach könnten deutsche Unternehmen künftig auch bei Ökoenergien weltweit die Maßstäbe setzen, für die sie in »traditionell grünen Leitmärkten« schon heute bekannt sind, wie Roland-Berger-Umweltexperte Torsten Henzelmann erklärt. Bei Abfallverwertungstechnologien, Energie- und Kraftwerkstechnik, bei effizienten Haushaltsgeräten, in der Antriebstechnik, bei nachhaltigen Verkehrssystemen und bei der Aufbereitung von Wasser – auf all diesen Feldern erwirtschaften deutsche Firmen zuverlässig »zwischen fünf und dreißig Prozent des weltweiten Umsatzes«, sagt Henzelmann.

Der sich abzeichnende weltweite Boom der Ökoenergien eröffnet deutschen Unternehmen jetzt neue Möglichkeiten: Schon im Jahr 2010, so prognostiziert der Bundesverband der Erneuerbaren Energien (BEE), dürfte ein Drittel des Branchenumsatzes von 45 Milliarden Euro auf den Export entfallen. Vorreiter im Auslandsgeschäft ist die Windindustrie, die heute schon zwei Drittel des Geschäfts aushäusig erwirtschaftet – ein internationaler Erfolg, von dem deutsche Solarunternehmen oder Biogasfirmen bislang nur träumen können.

Dass die lang geschmähten Umwelttechnologien einen Wachstumsschub bringen könnten, freut mittlerweile selbst die Lobbyisten im Bundesverband der Deutschen Industrie (BDI). Die Verbreitung klimaschonender Technologien eröffne dem »Weltmarkt- und Innovationsführer« Deutschland große Chancen für Wachstum und Beschäftigung, vermeldet der BDI-Konjunkturreport.

Auf dem Umweltsektor ist Deutschland tatsächlich spitze. Vor vier Jahren lösten hiesige Firmen die amerikanische Konkurrenz als weltgrößten Exporteur von Umwelttechnologien ab. Das sei allerdings »kein Grund für allzu viel Euphorie«, warnt Rainer Walz vom Fraunhofer-Institut für System- und Innovationsforschung (ISI) in Karlsruhe. Denn die Pioniere jenseits des Atlantiks ließen sich trotz umweltpolitischer Flaute zu Hause genauso viele Patente für effiziente Technologien sichern wie deutsche Tüftler. Werde der »schlafende Technologieriese USA« geweckt, zum Beispiel durch ambitionierte Klimapolitik in Washington, dann »muss sich Deutschland warm anziehen, um vorn zu bleiben«.

Im Silicon Valley, der legendären Heimat des Computer- und Internetbooms, schieben Firmengründer, Risikokapitalgeber und Wissenschaftler bereits die grüne Industrierevolution an. Sie experimentieren mit genmanipulierten Hefezellen oder Algen, um neue Treibstoffe herzustellen. Oder mit Superlegierungen für leistungsfähigere Solarzellen. Wagniskapital gibt es genug, schließlich versprechen der hohe Ölpreis, knapper werdende Ressourcen, steigender Energiebedarf und der Klimawandel satte Renditen.

Der Begriff Silicon Valley weckt wehmütige Erinnerungen. Zu Zeiten der New Economy blühte auch der deutsche Erfindergeist – die Vorherrschaft in dem daraus gewachsenen Markt sicherten sich allerdings eBay, Google und Yahoo.

Dass deutsche Umwelttechnologien auf dem Weltmarkt führen, ist also keineswegs selbstverständlich. Ein Blick in einzelne Branchen zeigt die Gefahren. Zwar erfand etwa der deutsche Chemie- und Pharmakonzern Merck jene Flüssigkristalle, die heute in Flachbildschirmen für schnellen Bildaufbau und niedrigen Energieverbrauch sorgen – die hiesige Anschlussindustrie allerdings verschlief die Entwicklung. Bildschirme liefern heute Sony, Toshiba oder Apple. Oder das Wassergeschäft: Mittelständler aus der deutschen Provinz können weltmeisterlich Komponenten zur Wasser- und Abwasseraufbereitung oder auch Anlagen zur Meerwasserentsalzung liefern. Das internationale Wassergeschäft aber findet ohne die Deutschen statt – ein Trauerspiel angesichts eines Marktes, der laut Brüsseler Prognosen bis 2010 auf 400 Milliarden Euro wachsen soll.

Die nächste Pleite scheint programmiert. In einer Schublade des Fraunhofer-Instituts für Solare Energiesysteme liegt ein Produkt, das den Mobilfunk revolutionieren könnte. Telefonieren rund um die Uhr, ohne lästiges Ladekabel, aber mit permanent geladenem Akku – schon vor sechs Jahren hätte dieser Traum in Erfüllung gehen können. Damals entwickelten die von Siemens beauftragten Freiburger Forscher ein Telefon mit integrierten Hochleistungssolarzellen – welches maximal 20 Euro mehr gekostet hätte. Doch die Prototypen verschwanden wieder. Warum griff kein Konkurrent zu? Forschungschef Christopher Hebling schweigt. »Extrem zögerlich« seien Hersteller bei solchen Innovationen, sagt er dann. Hebling hofft, »dass der Ökoboom endlich eine beherzte Firma ermuntert, das Solarhandy zu produzieren«.

Ob Solarhandy oder hoch effiziente Pumpen – Umweltfreundliches ist am Markt nicht zwangsläufig sexy. Private und gewerbliche Verbraucher entscheiden sich oft einfach für das billigste Produkt. Dass es über kurz oder lang teurer wird als ein energiesparendes, zählt nicht sonderlich.

Der Erfolg der grünen Produkte hängt also davon ab, ob die jahrelang von »Geiz ist geil«-Parolen geprägten Kunden langfristig umdenken. Das den Deutschen nachgesagte Umweltgewissen allein wird kaum reichen, ein grünes Wirtschaftswunder auszulösen – sondern Beiwerk sein in einer Kombination von Umweltgesetzen und ökonomischen Anreizen.

Vor vielen Jahren hat dieser Mix die fossile Energietechnik an die Weltspitze katapultiert. Getrieben durch strenge Vorschriften zur Luftreinhaltung, hätten deutsche Filterhersteller in Technologien zur Entschwefelung von Kraftwerkabgasen investiert, so Bodo Gehrmann von Thyssen Krupp VDM. Die Nickellegierungen des Konzerns entwickelten sich – obwohl vergleichsweise teuer – zum Exportschlager. Heute stammt beinahe jede sechste Tonne, die weltweit geliefert wird, aus den Werken des deutschen Unternehmens. Gehrmann blickt optimistisch in die Zukunft: Angeregt durch klimapolitische Vorgaben, tüfteln Kraftwerksbetreiber jetzt an Technologien, die die Klimagase reduzieren. So sollen Verbrennungskessel in Kohlekraftwerken mit Superlegierungen ausgekleidet werden, die Temperaturen bis 700 Grad mühelos standhalten – was den Wirkungsgrad deutlich verbessert und weniger Verschmutzungsrechte erfordert.

Die grünen Energieproduzenten wiederum verdanken den Boom der vergangenen Jahre vor allem einem großzügigen Fördersystem, das eine permanent hohe Nachfrage garantiert. Das Erneuerbare-Energien-Gesetz (EEG) der rot-grünen Regierung ließ klimafreundliche Stromfabriken wie Pilze aus dem Boden schießen. Mittlerweile versorgen sie zehn Millionen Menschen mit Elektrizität.

Der politisch initiierte Nachfrageschub hat jedoch nicht nur einen Technologieboom zu Hause ausgelöst. Es gibt auch eine »Kehrseite«, sagt ISI-Forscher Walz. Da inländische Produktionsanlagen die Nachfrage noch nicht decken können, werden Güter wie beispielsweise Solarzellen importiert – was internationale Unternehmen von den staatlich garantierten Einspeisevergütungen profitieren lässt und hiesigen Unternehmen kaum technologischen Vorsprung bringt.

Manche Experten glauben sogar, dass der hierzulande erzeugte Solarstrom zu gut bezahlt wird, was die Branche eher innovationsträge mache. ISI-Untersuchungen zufolge meldet der Weltmarktführer Japan jedenfalls weiterhin die meisten Patente für Photovoltaik an. Der großzügige Garantiepreis bietet den Anlagenherstellern kaum Anreize, Kosten zu senken. Wer bis 2007 eine Solaranlage auf sein Dach setzt, erhält über 20 Jahre lang etwa 49 Cent für jede Kilowattstunde, die er ins Stromnetz einspeist. Dank der großzügigen Vergütung kaufen die Verbraucher Anlagen, die vergleichsweise teuer sind. Auch deshalb gehören Hersteller wie Solarworld, Q-Cells oder Ersol zu den renditestärksten Firmen am Aktienmarkt.

Beim Wind sind die Deutschen Weltmarktführer. Dank EEG hat hierzulande jeder halbwegs windstarke Standort sein Windrad. Und beinahe jede zweite beim Europäischen Patentamt angemeldete Erfindung geht auf hiesige Tüftler zurück. Größer werdende Windparks – etwa in der Nordsee – erfordern allerdings ein »noch schnelleres Wachstum«, sagt Helmut Edelmann, Energieexperte bei Ernest&Young. Die Unternehmen bündeln deshalb ihre Kräfte und fusionieren: Im Jahr 2004 zählte Edelmann 65 Transaktionen, ein Jahr später waren es schon 113. Finanzkräftige Investoren stehen in dieser Branche Schlange, wie der Bieterkampf um den Windturbinenhersteller Repower zeigte, jener Hamburger Firma, die die weltgrößte 5-Megawatt-Turbine entwickelte. Schließlich sicherte sich der indische Windturbinenbauer Suzlon gemeinsam mit dem französischen Atomkonzern Areva das Sagen. Jetzt entwickelt Suzlon das Geschäft: Der Konzern bietet vom Fundament bis zum Rotorblatt alles aus einer Hand an. Der Umsatz soll um 50 Prozent steigen, die Firma weltweit zur Nummer drei der Branche werden. Längst scharen auch Großkonzerne wie Siemens, BP, Shell oder General Electric die kleinen Spezialisten um sich. Derzeit steht die Windenergiefirma Nordex vor einem Verkauf.

Vor allem aber bemühen sich die Giganten des Marktes um ein grünes Image. Schon 1997 kreierte der britische Ölmulti BP den Slogan »beyond petroleum«. Damals glaubten viele, die symbolische Sonnenblume signalisiere den Wechsel zu grüner Energie. Aber da täuschten sie sich. Zehn Jahre später ist BP mit 500 Millionen US-Dollar Jahresumsatz zwar der drittgrößte Anbieter am weltweiten Solarmarkt – und dennoch ist das Geschäft verschwindend klein im Vergleich zu dem Umsatz von Öl und Gas. Außerdem fehlen immer noch die Solarpanels auf den BP-Produktionsanlagen selbst. Der neue Konzernchef Tony Hayward sieht »beyond petroleum« nicht so eng, sondern subsumiert darunter BPs Vorbereitungen auf eine fossile Wirtschaft, »in der CO₂-Emissionen begrenzt sind«. Und so werden in dem BP-Geschäftsbereich »alternative energy« sowohl Investments in kohlendioxidarme fossile Kraftwerke, moderne Gasturbinen als auch in Wind- und Solarparks geplant.

Der US-Riese GE hat sein komplettes Angebot nach ökologischen Kriterien durchgestylt. Seit 2005 tragen alle für »energieeffizient und umweltfreundlich« befundenen Produkte das Label »ecomagination«. Vorstandschef Jeff Immelt freut sich über »außergewöhnliche Umsätze«. Im vergangenen Jahr haben Produkte mit dem Label 12 Milliarden US-Dollar eingebracht, ein Plus von 20 Prozent. Der Auftragsbestand beläuft sich auf 50 Milliarden US-Dollar. Auch intern macht Immelt Druck. GE hat sich verpflichtet, bis 2012 bei wachsender Produktion ein Prozent weniger Treibhausgase in die Atmosphäre zu entlassen und Energie um dreißig Prozent effizienter zu nutzen.

Nicht alle Branchen profitieren vom grünen Boom. Die Deutsche Bank Research stuft in einer druckfrischen Studie das traditionelle Flaggschiff der deutschen Wirtschaft, die Automobilindustrie, als »Verlierer« ein. Bei den hiesigen Autoherstellern, weltweit bekannt für schnelle und schwere Schlitten, dürften verschärfte Emissionsgrenzen für neu zugelassene Pkw, die geplante Umstellung der Kfz-Steuer auf den CO₂-Ausstoß und Einschränkungen bei der großzügigen Dienstwagenregelung für steil steigende Investitionen in energiesparende Wagen sorgen. Der Treibstoffverbrauch werde »zu einem wichtigeren Entscheidungskriterium«, sagt Deutsche-Bank-Research-Umweltexperte Eric Heymann. Die deutschen Autobauer müssen sich neu orientieren. Profitieren dürften die Zulieferer. Bosch entwickelt Systeme, die weniger Schadstoffe in die Luft entlassen, darunter hoch effiziente Einspritzdüsen für Dieselmotoren und die Start-stopp-Automatik. BMW will diese Technik in vielen Modellen anbieten, ebenso Porsche. Der Geländewagen Cayenne braucht dann bis zu 15 Prozent weniger Kraftstoff. Dennoch werden Deutsche künftig öfter aufs eigene Auto verzichten, glauben Umweltexperten, und Carsharing oder Fahrgemeinschaften betreiben.

Die Finanzwelt hat den Klimawandel längst als Faktum begriffen. Der »eindeutige Wachstumsmarkt« freut Banker wie Heymann. Sie finanzieren den Ausbau der grünen Energien. Gleichzeitig floriert das Beratungsgeschäft – Kunden wollen mehr über neuartige Ökofabriken wissen. Die Branche konstruiert neue Anlage- und Finanzprodukte wie Umwelttechnologiefonds oder Wetterderivate. Dadurch erhöht sich der Druck auf die Industrie, fließen doch immer öfter Klimarisiken in Bonitätsbeurteilungen ein. »Wer geringe Emissionen produziert, hat Vorteile«, lautet die einfache Rechnung von Heymann. Für viele Industriezweige seien Klimaveränderungen genauso bedeutend wie Wechselkurs- oder Zinsrisiken.

Die Zeiten ändern sich also. Beim Pumpenhersteller Wilo ging jüngst eine Bestellung von Tom Zylstra ein, einem führenden Vertragshändler der legendären Motorradmarke Harley Davidson. Zylstra baut neue Niederlassungen auf, die erste nahe Chicago betreibt er nun mit einer CO₂-neutralen Heizung. Den Kessel befeuern Maispellets – und zwei Stratos verteilen die Wärme über 7400 Quadratmeter. Der Harley-Händler hält die deutschen Heizungspumpen für coole Maschinen.

пинетки носочкиДанильченко Харьков

Onthou!

Onlangs het ek die heerlike ontdekking van ’n ou Afrikaanse boek op my boekrak gemaak. Dit is een van die vele boeke wat my moeder versamel het en waarvan ek vandag heelwat besit: ’n outobiografie deur ene Hendrina van der Merwe (gebore Rabie), getiteld Onthou! In die skadu van die galg. Volgens haar vertelling het sy die teks in die laat dertigerjare geskryf en die boek is in 1940 gepubliseer.

Hendrina van der Merwe was ’n verpleegster tydens die Anglo-Boereoorlog. Sy en haar man was gebore Vrystaters wat tot met die uitbreek van die oorlog in die Oos-Kaap gebly het. Met die oorlogsverklaring het hulle inderhaas opgepak en met die laaste trein na die Vrystaat teruggekeer. Terwyl haar man aan die kant van die Burgers (Vrystaatse en ZAR-soldate) geveg het, het sy haarself eers na haar familie in Bloemfontein gehaas en van daar na die slagveld as Rooikruis-verpleegster aan die Republieke se kant. Onmiddellik het Hendrina van der Merwe haar in ’n avontuur van onvoorspelbare en dramatiese gebeurtenisse bevind, soos wat mens alleen in ’n oorlogsituasie te wagte kan wees.

Hierdie is geen fiktiewe relaas van ’n geskiedkundige gebeurtenis nie. Dit is ook nie ’n tweede- of derdehandse oorvertelling of selfs ’n geskiedkundige studie deur ’n professionele skrywer nie. Hierdie boek is ’n vrou se eerstehandse belewing van ’n oorlog wat die wese van ons volk en die toekoms van hierdie land ondenkbaar sou beïnvloed.

Wat hierdie vertelling so interessant maak, buiten die eerstehandse aard daarvan, is dat dit geskryf word vanuit die bewussyn en gemoed van ’n vrou en spesifiek iemand wat haar tot die verpleegkunde gewend het omdat menslike lyding en smart haar aangegryp het. Dit is hierdie ingesteldheid van Hendrina van der Merwe wat haar vertelling so uiters sensitief met die oorlogswerklikheid verbind en wat mens meermale ’n knop in die keel gee.

Uit die koers wat haar lewe tydens die oorlog neem, is dit duidelik dat Hendrina van der Merwe geen gewone mens was nie. Die feit dat sy self krygsgevangene word en nie ’n blote konsentrasiekampaangehoudene nie, dui op die feit dat sy reeds van die begin haarself deel gemaak het van haar mense se stryd om geregtigheid en vryheid.

Hendrina van der Merwe se vertelstyl is sekerlik oudmodies. Dit is egter opreg en gesellig asof sy met jou as leser persoonlik ’n gesprek voer. Wat ook opval, is hoe die Afrikaans van haar tydperk van ons s’n verskil. Sy gebruik somtyds bekende woorde in kontekste wat ietwat van vandag se gebruik verskil.

Wat my sterk in Van der Merwe se vertelling opgeval het, is dat sy nooit na die inwoners of die soldate van die Republieke verwys as “Boere” of “Boer(e)Volk” nie. Deurgaans praat sy van die “burgers” en dikwels van “Afrikaners”. Die enigste kere wanneer die begrip “Boere” vermeld word, is wanneer sy die Engelse aanhaal. Mens kry dan ook die indruk dat dit ’n begrip is wat deur die Engelse geskep is (natuurlik het hulle dit in konteks uit Hollands ontleen) en dat dit ’n meer neerhalende term soos “Kaffer” is. Volgens Van der Merwe se vertelling is dit duidelik dat die term “Boer” nie ’n benaming was wat tydens die AOB deur Afrikaners gebruik is om hulself te beskryf nie. Die alombekende en daaglikse benaming was onteenseglik “burger”.

Dit is egter veral die aanspreekvorme “boetie” en “sussie” wat gedui het op ’n band van gemeenskaplikheid tussen die burgers. Hierdie mooie aanspreekvorme kom heerhaaldelik voor en is ewe gemaklik tussen burgers gebruik wat vreemdes was as tussen familielede.

Hendrina van der Merwe vertel van vele smart en lyding wat sy tydens die oorlog ervaar het. Sy vertel egter ook van die wedervaringe van diegene wat haar belewenisse gedeel het. Hoewel Hendrina van der Merwe nie soveel tyd in die konsentrasiekampe spandeer het soos heelwat ander Afrikanervroue nie, gee sy nogtans ’n omvattende beeld van die trauma en lyding wat haar mense ervaar het deur al die verskrikkinge van die oorlog. As krygsgevangene wat vir ’n lang periode tronkstraf moes uitdien, is sy aan uiterste toestande van geestelike en fisieke verguising blootgestel wat haar menswaardigheid en gesondheid so afgetakel het dat sy op een stadium op die rand van die dood gehuiwer het.

Sy draai nie doekies om in haar beskrywing van die Kakies nie, maar erken tog menslikheid waar dit na vore kom. Hendrina van der Merwe ontbloot die verskriklike onreg wat die Britte en hul handlangers (swartes en joiners) teenoor die Afrikaner gepleeg het. Uiteindelik verklaar sy ook hoe baie van ons mense van grondbesitters tot armblankes verlaag is deur die verskroeide-aardebeleid.

Wat ook opmerklik is, is die gretigheid waarmee veral Engelssprekende Suid-Afrikaners en swartes saam met die Britte gewerk het. Sy vertel ook hoe swartes deur die besetters ingespan is om gesinne op plase aan te val. Sy noem verder hoe sy eens in die tronk moes aanhoor hoe swart gevangenes hulleself verlekker in wat hulle alles met die Boervroue “aangevang” het.

Alle Afrikaners behoort Hendrina van der Merwe se verhaal te lees. Daar is heelwat parallelle te trek tussen die tydperk van die AOB en die ANC se transformasieregime. Ten spyte daarvan dat die burgers die oorlog verloor het en amper totaal uitgedelg is, het hulle in 1910, met ’n Unie wat Britse heerskappy moes verseker, daarin geslaag om beheer oor die land te neem. Van der Merwe laat mens besef van watter voorsate ons afstam en dat ons ook die huidige verdrukking sal oorleef.

Met opset het ek my voorgeneem om nie te veel van die verhaal, selfs opsommenderwys, oor te vertel nie. Dit is my hoop dat hierdie waardevolle werk weereens uitgegee kan word sodat elke Afrikaner eerstehands Hendrina van der Merwe se vertelling kan lees. Sy het ’n beroep op Afrikaner-nasate gedoen om nie die verskriklike wreedhede wat teenoor ons mense tydens die AOB gepleeg is, te vergeet nie.

Opeenvolgende wit regerings het, ter wille van versoening, hierdie werklikheid verswyg. Nooit is die oorlewendes noemenswaardige erkenning vir hul lyding of vergoeding vir hul enorme verliese aangebied nie. Serdertdien het swart Suid-Afrikaners die Waarheids-en versoeningskommissie gehad en tans ontvang hulle grond wat nooit aan hulle behoort het nie.

Ons is dit aan ons voorsate verskuldig om hierdie publikasie te herdruk.

air flow чисткаФільчаков Олександр Васильович прокурор

Blanke skuldgevoel word gemanipuleer

ImageThomas Jackson skryf in sy oorsig oor rasseprobleme in Amerika:

 “Until it is possible to discuss racial differences openly, black failure – of which there will always be plenty – will be laid at the feet of white racism.  As long as whites are thought to be collectively guilty, there will be few tears for the ‘invisible victims’ of affirmative action, the white man’s burden”.

Die verwekking van ’n skuldgevoel by die blanke is ’n metode vir uitwissing van die blanke ras wat  dwarsdeur die wêreld aangewend word. Blankes is die slagoffers van die magsbeheptheid van ’n groepie geldmagnate, en anders as swartes wat wêreldwyd deur skatryk organisasies gedra word in die poging tot wêreldoorheersing, staan die blanke geïsoleerd op hierdie slagveld.

Omdat dit eerstens deur middel van ‘regstellende aksie’ geloods word teen die blanke man, die tradisionele broodwinner en hoof van die huis, word die gesin –  die kern en voortbestaan van ’n volk – lamgelê. Indien die man se selfrespek in so ’n mate hierdeur aangetas word dat hy nie meer in sy eie vermoëns glo nie, is die kans op oorlewing van sy gesinsverband bitter skraal.  So word die skans vir beskerming van die gesin verpletter, en so word die moontlikheid vir uitwissing van ’n nasie versterk. Hierdie resep is noukeurig deur die wêreldgeldmag saamgestel en word reeds vir baie jare wêreldwyd gebruik.

Die afgelope 24 jaar het regstellende aksie ook in Amerika teenoor blanke mans (“invisible victims”) neerslag gevind in feitlik elke deel van hulle samelewing. Navorsing is daaroor gedoen deur die Earhart Foundation and Institute for Educational Affairs. Dit het die skokkende gevolge daarvan onthul. Nog is daar geen oplossings voor nie en blyk dit dat die breinspoeling onder die blankes daar net so volmaak geslaag het as onder die meerderheid blankes in Suid-Afrika.

Dat die Kaliforniese Snelwegpatrollie werksgeleenthede slegs vir ander applikante as blankes adverteer, of dat die Los Angeles skoledistrik opdrag gee vir “mixed-raced teams in scholastic contests because it looks bad when all-white teams win”, is geen vreemde verskynsel nie.  Dit word dáár net so geredelik aanvaar soos hier waar daar by voormalige blanke skole sedert 1994 tydens sportbyeenkomste die swart verloorder in die blanke wennertjie se plek gestel word met die blatante erkenning van regstellende aksie tot voordeel van die ‘agtergeblewene’. So ken ons ook in Suid-Afrika die toepassing van diskriminasie teen die blanke man deur die kommunistiese ANC met sy swart bemagtigingsprojek waar blanke mans heel laaste geag word by indiensneming van enige aard.  Ons het ook begin sien watter effek dit op die huisgesin en die moreel van ons Afrikanervolk uitoefen.  Ook ons moraal word soortgelyk aan die bevindinge van die navorsing in Amerika, waar huwelike en vriendskappe as gevolg daarvan eindig, drankmisbruik daardeur plaasvind en ’n sinisme oor politiek ontstaan het. So het ’n algehele morele verval met ’n gevolglik hoë misdaadsyfer die laaste spyker in die doodskis word.

Die enigste ligpuntjie vam hierdie navorsing het getoon dat ’n klein persentasie mans ’n meer behoudend-konserwatiewe siening van die politiek ontwikkel het, juis as gevolg van die regstellende aksie en diskriminasie teen hulle blankeskap. Die hoop vir Suid-Afrika in hierdie verband beskaam nie, en begin reeds in ’n mate realiseer, maar dit sal eers werklik sigbaar word wanneer die anargie op sy hewigste woed en blankes gedwing word om vir hulleself te dink.  Dan sal hulle besef dat hulle misbruik is en die skuldgevoel van ‘wit rassisme’ ten volle afskud. Dan eers sal blankes erken dat ‘wit rassisme’ nie die oorsaak van die ‘agtergeblewenes’ se agterstand is nie, maar wel die genetiese erfenis van swartes.

Mag die Afrikanervolk die insig en die moed hê om uit te styg bo die Amerikaner se kapitulasie soos beskryf deur Frederick Lynch: 

          “…many people in America think that if white racism is not what makes non-whites fail, genetic inferiority must be the cause.  Since that is officially unthinkable, white racism is the only possible culprit”.

Dalk moet ons weer Willis Carto van Duitsland se woorde in herinnering roep:

“The Communists know that our susceptibility to the feeling of guilt is their greatest asset…once a predator can convince a victim that he is guilty, the victim becomes the slave of the predator”.

Blanke mans moet ophou glo dat diskriminasie teen hul blankeskap hul verdiende loon is en dat hulle verantwoordelik is vir die lot van die agtergeblewenes. Weet dat dit ’n polities beplande strategie is vir wêreldoorname tot ’n een-wêreldregering, en dat die swart element slegs ’n instrument daartoe is.  Anders sal Baba Zulu van die Afro-sentriese skool in Washington se woorde binnekort met dade oor ons spoel: “People, get ready, there’s a war a-coming . . . The last white dog must die!”

купить кухня киевФильчаков

Kom bel? in die paradys

Image

Joseph Kabila

President Joseph Kabila van die Demokratiese Republiek van die Kongo (DRK) het Vrydag ’n groep Suid-Afrikaanse sakemanne toegespreek en ’n rooskleurige prentjie van sy land aan hulle voorgehou.

Hy het toegegee dat veiligheid nog ’n probleem in die ooste van die land is, maar het gesê die probleem word aangespreek. “Wanneer die besigheidsgemeenskap van Suid-Afrika en elders na die DRK kom, gaan julle nie ’n klomp rewolusiestokers ontmoet nie, nee, julle gaan wettige, demokratiese instellings ontmoet,” het hy aan die Suid-Afrikaanse-DRK-forum gesê. “Politieke risiko’s bestaan nie meer nie.” Hy het die versekering gegee dat staatsinstansies stabiel en demokraties gaan bly “vir ’n baie lang tyd.” Volgens hom sal niemand aan die grondwet peuter ten einde ’n derde of vierde mandaat te bekom nie. “Die DRK is ’n veranderde land. Die DRK is reg om u te ontvang. Kom en belê … die geleenthede is daar.“

“Die klein probleempies wat ons het, is min of meer stroompies in vergelyking met die riviere wat ons oorgesteek het,” het die Kongolese president sy gehoor ingelig. President Thabo Mbeki het by hom aangesluit en gesê die DRK verteenwoordig “’n goeie besigheidsgeleentheid.“

Sowat vier miljoen mense is die afgelope paar jaar in die DRK dood tydens die konflik wat die land geteister het. Tans is daar sowat 2 000 Suid-Afrikaanse soldate wat in die Verenigde Nasies se vredesmag van 17 600 man dien. In die ooste van die land swaai 10 000 Rwandese Hutu’s nog die septer. Jean-Pierre Bemba, Kabila se belangrikste politieke mededinger, verkeer tans in ballingskap in Portugal. Hy het op 11 April die DRK verlaat ná hewige gevegte tussen sy ondersteuners en regeringstroepe en nadat hy drie weke lank in die Suid-Afrikaanse ambassade geskuil het.

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Darfur conflict began as climate change

Just over a week ago, leaders of the world’s industrialized nations met in Heiligendamm, Germany, for their annual summit. Our modest goal: to win a breakthrough on climate change. And we got it — an agreement to cut greenhouse gases by 50 percent before 2050. Especially gratifying for me is that the methods will be negotiated via the United Nations, better ensuring that our efforts will be mutually reinforcing.

This week, the global focus shifted. Tough but patient diplomacy produced another win, as yet modest in scope but large in humanitarian potential. Sudanese President Omar al-Bashir accepted a plan to deploy, at long last, a joint United Nations-African Union peacekeeping force in Darfur. This agreement, too, is personally gratifying. I have made Darfur a top priority and have invested considerable effort, often far from public view, toward this goal.

Clearly, uncertainties remain. This deal, like others before it, could yet come undone. It could be several months before the first new troops arrive and longer before the full 23,000-member contingent is in place. Meanwhile, the fighting will probably go on, even if less intensely and despite our many calls for a cease-fire. Still, in a conflict that has claimed more than 200,000 lives during four years of diplomatic inertia, this is significant progress, especially considering that it has come in only five months.

It would be natural to view these as distinct developments. In fact, they are linked. Almost invariably, we discuss Darfur in a convenient military and political shorthand — an ethnic conflict pitting Arab militias against black rebels and farmers. Look to its roots, though, and you discover a more complex dynamic. Amid the diverse social and political causes, the Darfur conflict began as an ecological crisis, arising at least in part from climate change.

Two decades ago, the rains in southern Sudan began to fail. According to U.N. statistics, average precipitation has declined some 40 percent since the early 1980s. Scientists at first considered this to be an unfortunate quirk of nature. But subsequent investigation found that it coincided with a rise in temperatures of the Indian Ocean, disrupting seasonal monsoons. This suggests that the drying of sub-Saharan Africa derives, to some degree, from man-made global warming.

It is no accident that the violence in Darfur erupted during the drought. Until then, Arab nomadic herders had lived amicably with settled farmers. A recent Atlantic Monthly article by Stephan Faris describes how black farmers would welcome herders as they crisscrossed the land, grazing their camels and sharing wells. But once the rains stopped, farmers fenced their land for fear it would be ruined by the passing herds. For the first time in memory, there was no longer enough food and water for all. Fighting broke out. By 2003, it evolved into the full-fledged tragedy we witness today.

A U.N. peacekeeping force will help moderate the violence and keep humanitarian aid flowing, saving many lives. Yet that is only a first step, as I emphasized to my colleagues at the summit in Germany. Any peace in Darfur must be built on solutions that go to the root causes of the conflict. We can hope for the return of more than 2 million refugees. We can safeguard villages and help rebuild homes. But what to do about the essential dilemma — the fact that there’s no longer enough good land to go around?

A political solution is required. My special envoy for Darfur, Jan Eliasson, and his A.U. counterpart, Salim Ahmed Salim, have worked out a road map, beginning with a political dialogue between rebel leaders and the government and culminating in formal negotiations for peace. The initial steps could be taken by this summer.

Ultimately, however, any real solution to Darfur’s troubles involves sustained economic development. Precisely what shape that might take is unclear. But we must begin thinking about it. New technologies can help, such as genetically modified grains that thrive in arid soils or new irrigation and water storage techniques. There must be money for new roads and communications infrastructure, not to mention health, education, sanitation and social reconstruction programs. The international community needs to help organize these efforts, teaming with the Sudanese government as well as the international aid agencies and nongovernmental organizations working so heroically on the ground.

The stakes go well beyond Darfur. Jeffrey Sachs, the Columbia University economist and one of my senior advisers, notes that the violence in Somalia grows from a similarly volatile mix of food and water insecurity. So do the troubles in Ivory Coast and Burkina Faso.

There are many other parts of the world where such problems will arise, for which any solutions we find in Darfur will be relevant. We have made slow but steady progress in recent weeks. The people of Darfur have suffered too much, for too long. Now the real work begins.

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Oil Wars

In the first U.S. combat operation of the war in Iraq, Navy commandos stormed an offshore oil-loading platform. "Swooping silently out of the Persian Gulf night," an overexcited reporter for the New York Times wrote on March 22, "Navy Seals seized two Iraqi oil terminals in bold raids that ended early this morning, overwhelming lightly-armed Iraqi guards and claiming a bloodless victory in the battle for Iraq’s vast oil empire."

A year and a half later, American soldiers are still struggling to maintain control over these vital petroleum facilities — and the fighting is no longer bloodless. On April 24, two American sailors and a coastguardsman were killed when a boat they sought to intercept, presumably carrying suicide bombers, exploded near the Khor al-Amaya loading platform. Other Americans have come under fire while protecting some of the many installations in Iraq’s "oil empire."

 Indeed, Iraq has developed into a two-front war: the battles for control over Iraq’s cities and the constant struggle to protect its far-flung petroleum infrastructure against sabotage and attack. The first contest has been widely reported in the American press; the second has received far less attention. Yet the fate of Iraq’s oil infrastructure could prove no less significant than that of its embattled cities. A failure to prevail in this contest would eliminate the economic basis upon which a stable Iraqi government could someday emerge. "In the grand scheme of things," a senior officer told the New York Times, "there may be no other place where our armed forces are deployed that has a greater strategic importance." In recognition of this, significant numbers of U.S. soldiers have been assigned to oil-security functions.

 Top officials insist that these duties will eventually be taken over by Iraqi forces, but day by day this glorious moment seems to recede ever further into the distance. So long as American forces remain in Iraq, a significant number of them will undoubtedly spend their time guarding highly vulnerable pipelines, refineries, loading facilities, and other petroleum installations. With thousands of miles of pipeline and hundreds of major facilities at risk, this task will prove endlessly demanding – and unrelievedly hazardous. At the moment, the guerrillas seem capable of striking the country’s oil lines at times and places of their choosing, their attacks often sparking massive explosions and fires.

It has been argued that our oil-protection role is a peculiar feature of the war in Iraq, where petroleum installations are strewn about and the national economy is largely dependent on oil revenues. But Iraq is hardly the only country where American troops are risking their lives on a daily basis to protect the flow of petroleum. In Colombia, Saudi Arabia, and the Republic of Georgia, U.S. personnel are also spending their days and nights protecting pipelines and refineries, or supervising the local forces assigned to this mission. American sailors are now on oil-protection patrol in the Persian Gulf, the Arabian Sea, the South China Sea, and along other sea routes that deliver oil to the United States and its allies. In fact, the American military is increasingly being converted into a global oil-protection service.

The situation in the Republic of Georgia is a perfect example of this trend. Ever since the Soviet Union broke apart in 1992, American oil companies and government officials have sought to gain access to the huge oil and natural gas reserves of the Caspian Sea basin — especially in Azerbaijan, Iran, Kazakhstan, and Turkmenistan. Some experts believe that as many as 200 billion barrels of untapped oil lie ready to be discovered in the Caspian area, about seven times the amount left in the United States. But the Caspian itself is landlocked and so the only way to transport its oil to market in the West is by pipelines crossing the Caucasus region — the area encompassing Armenia, Azerbaijan, Georgia, and the war-torn Russian republics of Chechnya, Dagestan, Ingushetia, and North Ossetia.

American firms are now building a major pipeline through this volatile area. Stretching a perilous 1,000 miles from Baku in Azerbaijan through Tbilisi in Georgia to Ceyhan in Turkey, it is eventually slated to carry one million barrels of oil a day to the West; but will face the constant threat of sabotage by Islamic militants and ethnic separatists along its entire length. The United States has already assumed significant responsibility for its protection, providing millions of dollars in arms and equipment to the Georgian military and deploying military specialists in Tbilisi to train and advise the Georgian troops assigned to protect this vital conduit. This American presence is only likely to expand in 2005 or 2006 when the pipeline begins to transport oil and fighting in the area intensifies.

Or take embattled Colombia, where U.S. forces are increasingly assuming responsibility for the protection of that country’s vulnerable oil pipelines. These vital conduits carry crude petroleum from fields in the interior, where a guerrilla war boils, to ports on the Caribbean coast from which it can be shipped to buyers in the United States and elsewhere. For years, left-wing guerrillas have sabotaged the pipelines — portraying them as concrete expressions of foreign exploitation and elitist rule in Bogota, the capital — to deprive the Colombian government of desperately needed income. Seeking to prop up the government and enhance its capacity to fight the guerrillas, Washington is already spending hundreds of millions of dollars to enhance oil-infrastructure security, beginning with the Cano-Limon pipeline, the sole conduit connecting Occidental Petroleum’s prolific fields in Arauca province with the Caribbean coast. As part of this effort, U.S. Army Special Forces personnel from Fort Bragg, North Carolina are now helping to train, equip, and guide a new contingent of Colombian forces whose sole mission will be to guard the pipeline and fight the guerrillas along its 480-mile route.

The use of American military personnel to help protect vulnerable oil installations in conflict-prone, chronically unstable countries is certain to expand given three critical factors: America’s ever-increasing dependence on imported petroleum, a global shift in oil production from the developed to the developing world, and the growing militarization of our foreign energy policy.

America’s dependence on imported petroleum has been growing steadily since 1972, when domestic output reached its maximum (or "peak") output of 11.6 million barrels per day (mbd). Domestic production is now running at about 9 mbd and is expected to continue to decline as older fields are depleted. (Even if some oil is eventually extracted from the Arctic National Wildlife Refuge in Alaska, as the Bush administration desires, this downward trend will not be reversed.) Yet our total oil consumption remains on an upward course; now approximating 20 mbd, it’s projected to reach 29 mbd by 2025. This means ever more of the nation’s total petroleum supply will have to be imported — 11 mbd today (about 55% of total U.S. consumption) but 20 mbd in 2025 (69% of consumption).

More significant than this growing reliance on foreign oil, an increasing share of that oil will come from hostile, war-torn countries in the developing world, not from friendly, stable countries like Canada or Norway. This is the case because the older industrialized countries have already consumed a large share of their oil inheritance, while many producers in the developing world still possess vast reserves of untapped petroleum. As a result, we are seeing a historic shift in the center of gravity for world oil production — from the industrialized countries of the global North to the developing nations of the global South, which are often politically unstable, torn by ethnic and religious conflicts, home to extremist organizations, or some combination of all three.

Whatever deeply-rooted historical antagonisms exist in these countries, oil production itself usually acts as a further destabilizing influence. Sudden infusions of petroleum wealth in otherwise poor and underdeveloped countries tend to deepen divides between rich and poor that often fall along ethnic or religious lines, leading to persistent conflict over the distribution of petroleum revenues. To prevent such turbulence, ruling elites like the royal family in Saudi Arabia or the new oil potentates of Azerbaijan and Kazakhstan restrict or prohibit public expressions of dissent and rely on the repressive machinery of state security forces to crush opposition movements. With legal, peaceful expressions of dissent foreclosed in this manner, opposition forces soon see no options but to engage in armed rebellion or terrorism.

There is another aspect of this situation that bears examination. Many of the emerging oil producers in the developing world were once colonies of and harbor deep hostility toward the former imperial powers of Europe. The United States is seen by many in these countries as the modern inheritor of this imperial tradition. Growing resentment over social and economic traumas induced by globalization is aimed at the United States. Because oil is viewed as the primary motive for American involvement in these areas, and because the giant U.S. oil corporations are seen as the very embodiment of American power, anything to do with oil — pipelines, wells, refineries, loading platforms — is seen by insurgents as a legitimate and attractive target for attack; hence the raids on pipelines in Iraq, on oil company offices in Saudi Arabia, and on oil tankers in Yemen.

American leaders have responded to this systemic challenge to stability in oil-producing areas in a consistent fashion: by employing military means to guarantee the unhindered flow of petroleum. This approach was first adopted by the Truman and Eisenhower administrations after World War II, when Soviet adventurism in Iran and pan-Arab upheavals in the Middle East seemed to threaten the safety of Persian Gulf oil deliveries. It was given formal expression by President Carter in January 1980, when, in response to the Soviet occupation of Afghanistan and the Islamic revolution in Iran, he announced that the secure flow of Persian Gulf oil was in "the vital interests of the United States of America," and that in protecting this interest we would use "any means necessary, including military force." Carter’s principle of using force to protect the flow of oil was later cited by President Bush the elder to justify American intervention in the Persian Gulf War of 1990-91, and it provided the underlying strategic rationale for our recent invasion of Iraq.

Originally, this policy was largely confined to the world’s most important oil-producing region, the Persian Gulf. But given America’s ever-growing requirement for imported petroleum, U.S. officials have begun to extend it to other major producing zones, including the Caspian Sea basin, Africa, and Latin America. The initial step in this direction was taken by President Clinton, who sought to exploit the energy potential of the Caspian basin and, worrying about instability in the area, established military ties with future suppliers, including Azerbaijan and Kazakhstan, and with the pivotal transit state of Georgia. It was Clinton who first championed the construction of a pipeline from Baku to Ceyhan and who initially took steps to protect that conduit by boosting the military capabilities of the countries involved. President Bush junior has built on this effort, increasing military aid to these states and deploying American combat advisers in Georgia; Bush is also considering the establishment of permanent U.S. military bases in the Caspian region.

Typically, such moves are justified as being crucial to the "war on terror." A close reading of Pentagon and State Department documents shows, however, that anti-terrorism and the protection of oil supplies are closely related in administration thinking. When requesting funds in 2004 to establish a "rapid-reaction brigade" in Kazakhstan, for example, the State Department told Congress that such a force is needed to "enhance Kazakhstan’s capability to respond to major terrorist threats to oil platforms" in the Caspian Sea.

As noted, a very similar trajectory is now under way in Colombia. The American military presence in oil-producing areas of Africa, though less conspicuous, is growing rapidly. The Department of Defense has stepped up its arms deliveries to military forces in Angola and Nigeria, and is helping to train their officers and enlisted personnel; meanwhile, Pentagon officials have begun to look for permanent U.S. bases in the area, focusing on Senegal, Ghana, Mali, Uganda, and Kenya. Although these officials tend to talk only about terrorism when explaining the need for such facilities, one officer told Greg Jaffe of the Wall Street Journal in June 2003 that "a key mission for U.S. forces [in Africa] would be to ensure that Nigeria’s oil fields, which in the future could account for as much as 25 percent of all U.S. oil imports, are secure."

An increasing share of our naval forces is also being committed to the protection of foreign oil shipments. The Navy’s Fifth Fleet, based at the island state of Bahrain, now spends much of its time patrolling the vital tanker lanes of the Persian Gulf and the Strait of Hormuz — the narrow waterway connecting the Gulf to the Arabian Sea and the larger oceans beyond. The Navy has also beefed up its ability to protect vital sea lanes in the South China Sea — the site of promising oil fields claimed by China, Vietnam, the Philippines, and Malaysia — and in the Strait of Malacca, the critical sea-link between the Persian Gulf and America’s allies in East Asia. Even Africa has come in for increased attention from the Navy. In order to increase the U.S. naval presence in waters adjoining Nigeria and other key producers, carrier battle groups assigned to the European Command (which controls the South Atlantic) will shorten their future visits to the Mediterranean "and spend half the time going down the west coast of Africa," the command’s top officer, General James Jones, announced in May 2003.

This, then, is the future of U.S. military involvement abroad. While anti-terrorism and traditional national security rhetoric will be employed to explain risky deployments abroad, a growing number of American soldiers and sailors will be committed to the protection of overseas oil fields, pipeline, refineries, and tanker routes. And because these facilities are likely to come under increasing attack from guerrillas and terrorists, the risk to American lives will grow accordingly. Inevitably, we will pay a higher price in blood for every additional gallon of oil we obtain from abroad.

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Die werklikhede van Afrika

Die brief van Marinus Wijnbeek van Nederland op 14 Februarie 2007 het ek baie interessant gevind. Ek neem aan hy is ‘n Afrikaner wat na Nederland verhuis het. Aan die een kant verlaat hy die land omrede dit ‘n doodloopstraat is en aan die ander kant gee hy ons raad.  Ons moet die swart Afrikaan verstaan.

Glo my Marinus, daar is nie ‘n mens in Afrika wat wat hom beter verstaan as ‘n Boer nie, jou stelling in dié verband is korrek. Ek gaan nou vir jou verklaar waarom die toestand in Afrika so ellendig is; dit is nou afgesien van die feit dat die witman se insette oral in Afrika en nou ook in die NRSA afgebreek, stopgesit en vernietig is.

Wat betref die duidelik gemotiveerde verklaring vir die geweldskultuur en misdaad kan verskeie redes aangevoer word, een of meer daarvan sal van toepassing wees afhangende van die vlak waarop ‘n mens die analise doen.  Dit sal miskien makliker wees om puntsgewys op die saak in te gaan.

1.  Persoonlike vlak. As iets gebeur is dit nooit, maar nooit sy skuld nie. ‘n Eenvoudige voorbeeld: my arbeider breek die spitvurk deur ‘n klip daarmee uit die grond te lig.  "Dis nie ek wat die vurk gebreek het nie, dit was die klip". Hierdie stelling maak hy met volle oortuiging en hy glo dit is so.  As hy laat is vir die bus, het die bus vir hom weggery. Alles is apartheid se skuld, ens. 

Die Ovahimbas in Namibië word van kleins af geleer om beeste te steel by ander families. In SA word vir hulle gesê steel by die blankes, "you are reclaiming" en hulle glo dit. Dit is een rede vir die misdaadeskalasie. Daar bestaan ook ‘n sterk vermoede dat die plaasmoorde, rooftogte en motorkapings deur ‘n derde mag vanuit ANC-geledere aangevuur en moontlik beheer word. 

Hulle het geen respek vir ‘n ander se eiendom nie en lei aan ‘n inherente vernielsug, daarom word geboue letterlik afgebreek. Opbouing is nie ‘n kultuurkenmerk van die swarte nie, eerder die teenoorgestelde. In Namibië het ek gesien hoe hulle sinkplate (wat van die dak afgehaal is) skuins teen die mure van die plaashuise (wat hulle ook present gekry het) sit en daaronder leef.

‘n Volgende aspek op hierdie vlak is bloot ‘n kwessie van IK, lees gerus die Bell Curve in hierdie verband. Hoekom is Afrika so maklik gekoloniseer? Die kolonialiste het gewere gehad. Hoekom het die Afrikane nie gewere gehad nie? Hulle het vir eeue na die see gesit en staar en nooit daaraan gedink om ‘n skip te bou nie (apologie aan Albert Schweitzer). Dit is ook die rede hoekom ‘n paternalistiese stelsel vir hulle werk; hulle moet voortdurend onder toesig werk en speel soos kinders. Albert Schweitzer het hulle geken en hy het ook gesê die blanke ras moet homself nooit op gelyke voet met die Afrikaan stel nie en vir hom ‘n pa wees anders "he will devour you". Moontlik letterlik in sy tyd!

Swart Afrika verstaan die meerderebegrip volkome en hulle sosiale stelsel is daarop geskoei.

2. Groepsvlak. Het u al gesien hoe maklik word hordes gemobiliseer om te staak of toi-toi?  Net ‘n klein groepie begin en nie lank nie dan intimideer die klein groepie die res. Zimbabwe is ‘n klassieke voorbeeld hiervan. Hulle is dus baie makliker onderhewig aan groepsdruk as die blanke ras. 

As ‘n ras is hulle inherent lui en sal net werk as hulle aangespoor word. Hulle werk jare saam met ‘n boer op ‘n plaas dan kry hulle die plaas present en ‘n jaar of wat later is die beeste geslag en die vrugtebome verdroog. Ek praat nie van hoorsê nie; ek het dit gesien.

Nou Marinus, hierbo is ‘n gedeeltelike analise van die swartman se dryfvere. Al gevolgtrekking wat ek kan maak is dat die swart Afrikaan die kiem van selfvernietiging in hom omdra. Hy kan net gehelp word deur ‘n streng paternalistiese stelsel. 

Hoe verkoop ek hierdie siening aan ‘n liberalistiese Europa? Eienaardig genoeg, daar is ‘n ligpuntjie in hierdie opsig, meeste van die "bleeding hearts" (instellings / maatskappye) wat skenkings vir ontwikkeling in SA doen vereis ‘n langtermyn blanke betrokkenheid by projekte. Ek weet want ek is self betrokke.

Ter afsluiting kan ek noem dat in groot dele van Zambië en Mosambiek sien jy nie ‘n voël of lewendige dier (mak of wild) nie. ‘n Vriend vertel my dat hy in Mosambiek gesien het hoe ‘n "vleishandelaar" ‘n duikertjie waarvan die agterbene gebreek is (sodat hy nie kan wegkom nie en vars kan bly vir die mark) aan ‘n vragmotorbestuurder verkoop het en dat lg. die arme diertjie onseremonieel bo-op sy vrag gooi om in die son te lê tot hy geëet word. Bogenoemde is die werklikhede van Afrika, of jy dit wil glo of nie.

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Gaping tussen internetgebruikers groei

Een uit elke vyf mense in die wêreld het ‘n hoëspoedinternetverbinding maar die gaping tussen diegene wat dit het en die res, groei. Internetvideo-uitsendings en maatskaplike netwerke het ook dramaties toegeneem danksy die 300 miljoen hoëspoedinternetgebruikers.

Die sukses wat YouTube behaal het is alombekend, ook in Suid-Afrika. Duisende ure se film is al op die net vasgelê oor enige onderwerp onder die son. Al is meer as ‘n miljard mense aanlyn waarvan ‘n derde snelgroeiende toegang tot vinnige verbindings het, is dit nie ‘n uitgemaakte saak dat die internet die oorblywende byna ses miljard mense ook gaan bereik nie.

Die digitale wêreld is ‘n verdeelde een. Terwyl daar baie hoë penetrasievlakke vir breëbandverbindings in Europa, Noord-Amerika en hoë-tegnologie ekonomieë soos dié van Suid-Korea is, bly Afrika, soos heelwat ontwikkelende lande, agter. Daar is dikwels in ontwikkelende lande nie eers ‘n telefoondiens nie, dus is internettoegang nie ‘n opsie nie.

Die VSA bly steeds die voorloper in breëbandgebruik met 60 miljoen intekenare vanjaar. In die tweede plek is China met 56 miljoen. ‘n Jaar gelede was dit egter 41 miljoen gebruikers en na wat verwag word sal hulle Amerika teen die einde van die jaar verbysteek om die grootste breëband mark ter wêreld te word.

China het skielik momentum gekry, sê marknavorsers. Meer mense het in die eerste drie maande van 2007 as breëbandinternetgebruikers aangeteken as in enige ander eerste kwartaal. Die toeloop word deur ekonomiese veranderinge en nuwe regeringsriglyne verklaar.

China se groeiende middelklas beskou ‘n breëbandverbinding as ‘n statussimbool. Die Chinese regering wil andersyds graag die platteland toerus met rekenaartoegang en is besig met grootskaalse projekte om dit te realiseer.

Natuurlik help die voorbereidings vir die Olimpiese Spele wat aanstaande jaar in Beijing gehou gaan word ook om die belangstelling gaande te hou . Die regering het intussen afgekondig dat elke huishouding in Beijing oor ‘n hoëspoedverbinding moet beskik wanneer die Spele afskop.

Japan is nommer drie op die ranglys met 26,5 miljoen gebruikers. Daarna volg Duitsland met 16 miljoen en dan Frankryk met 15,3 miljoen. Frankryk het ‘n paar lande soos Suid-Korea in die breëbandresies verbygesteek met ‘n fenomenale 9% toename. Suid-Korea het tans 14,1 miljoen gebruikers in die vyfde plek.

In die sesde plek is Brittanje wat danksy die hewige kompetisie tussen Sky en sogenaamde "gratis" breëband verskaffers soos TalkTalk ‘n groei van 6,4% in die mark gesien het. Wat die persentasie van huishoudings betref is daar egter net 55% wat van ‘n hoëspoedverbinding gebruik maak en in daardie opsig is die VK besig om terug te gly na die sewentiende plek.

In Suid-Korea is byna 90% van alle huishoudings met ‘n breëbandverbinding toegerus. Ook in Hong Kong, Monaco en Macau waar die bevolkingsdigtheid asook verdienste hoog is. In die VSA is dit net onder 53%, in die vier-en-twintigste plek. In China staan die persentasie op 14,35% en in Indië op 1,15%. Indië het ‘n geraamde 200 miljoen huishoudings.

Oos-Europa suig steeds aan die agterspeen in Europa, maar het nogtans groeipotensiaal getoon. Veral in lande wat onlangs by die EU aangesluit het was belangstelling effens groter. Kroasië het ‘n ongelooflike toename van 25% gewys! Ook Griekeland en Indonesië het gegroei, maar penetrasievlakke bly laag.

Heel agter in die ry staan Afrika. Net Suid-Afrika, Soedan, Senegal en Gaboen het die lys gehaal. Die meeste nie-Arabiese lande het nie eens geregistreer nie. Suid-Afrika het 215 000 huishoudelike breëbandgebruikers en Soedan het 3000. In Noord-Afrika lyk dit effens beter met Marokko wat 418 000 gebruikers geregistreer het en Egipte 240 000.

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