De Klerk en verraaiers moet wortel en tak uitgeroei word

ImageDie Afrikaners en die blankes se voortbestaan in hierdie land is moontlik van korte duur.  Waarom gaan dit so sleg met ons?  Wat moet ons daadwerklik daaraan doen?  En as ons weer ons mooi land sou verower, hoe gaan ons dit behou terwyl ons die kiem van selfvernietiging in ons gene dra?

Ons hoef net in Josua te gaan lees wat die antwoorde op die bogenoemde vrae is.  Toe Israel sondig deur van die buit uit die verslane stad Jerigo teen God se bevel in, heimlik vir hulself neem, het Hy sy eie verbond oortree soos Hyself dit stel, en hulle nie langer voor hulle vyande laat standhou totdat die ban onder hulle met wortel en tak uitgeroei is nie.  Sy voorskrif om dan vir Agan, wat skelmpies een mooi mantel, tweehonderd sikkels silwer en een goudstaaf in die grond binne sy tent begrawe het, te straf om sodoende die hele Israel te reinig, het alles van Agan ingesluit.  Daar was geen genade nie; hy, sy vrou, sy seuns en dogters, sy kleinvee en sy tent en alles wat aan Agan behoort het, is gestenig en verbrand en ’n groot hoop klippe is daarop gepak.  Josua se laaste woorde aan Agan was: “Hoe het jy ons in die ongeluk gestort!” Eers toé het die Here Hom afgewend van sy toorn en was die volk weer veilig.

FW de Klerk en sy helpers het nie net ’n mantel, silwer en ’n goudstaaf gesteel nie.  Die De Klerk-bende staan skuldig aan verraad teenoor ’n hele volk; skuldig aan bedrog om die burgers van Suid-Afrika te laat glo dat die referendum in 1992 hom ’n mandaat gegee het om die land aan terroriste te gee terwyl hy beloof het om eers weer na die volk terug te kom en dit nooit gedoen het nie; skuldig aan omkopery vir 27 miljoen rand om die land onwettig vir ’n godlose swart regime te gee; skuldig aan die bykans sestig moorde wat elke dag gepleeg word; skuldig aan die miljoene slagoffers van verkragting waarvan die syfer elke 26 sekondes styg; skuldig aan die 25% styging in gewelddadige huisbrake, en so kan die lys aangevul word. En dan kom De Klerk verlede week met die arrogansie om aanspraak te maak op sy eerbare plek in die geskiedenis!

Die antwoord is duidelik.  Die Here sal nie sy toorn van ons afwend voordat ons hierdie verraaiers met wortel en tak uitgeroei het nie.  Die voorskrif is duidelik: elke ding wat aan De Klerk, Botha, Vlok, Van der Merwe en die hele kaboedel behoort, sal eers saam met hulle ‘gestenig’ moet word.  Nie eers hulle verskoning aan die volk gaan help nie.  Daar mag van die De Klerk-bende niks oorbly nie. En ons laaste woorde aan hom sal wees: “Hoe het jy ons in die ongeluk gestort!”

Mag De Klerk wat al weer besig is met ’n nuwe poging om die blankes te mislei, se ‘Neurenberg-verhoor’ gou en suksesvol plaasvind voordat hy nog ’n keer daarin slaag! En mag die Blankes in Suid-Afrika leer om genadeloos op te tree teen elke volksverraaier.  Dit is die enigste manier waarop ons durf aanspraak maak op veiligheid en voorspoed.

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The dark continent

It is not that Jacob Mwale minds irrigating the 11 acres of land he farms just east of Lusaka, Zambia’s capital. It is irrigating his 11 acres in the dead of night that angers him.

Two or three times a week, the Mwale farm abruptly loses power, like the homes and businesses of some of Zambia’s 300,000 other electricity users. When the power returns, sometimes late in the evening, Mr. Mwale’s farmhands work overtime, watering the fields by moonlight.

“If they shut down the whole day, I have to work nights, and pay extra,” Mr. Mwale, 39, grumbled. “It’s killing us.”

Power blackouts — “load shedding,” in utility jargon — are hardly novel in sub-Saharan Africa, where many electricity grids remain chewing-gum-and-baling-wire affairs. Even so, this year is different. Perhaps 25 of the 44 sub-Saharan nations face crippling electricity shortages, a power crisis that some experts call unprecedented.

The causes are manifold: strong economic growth in some places, economic collapse in others, war, poor planning, population booms, high oil prices and drought have combined to leave both industry and residents short of power when many need it most.

“We’ve had no significant capital injection into generation and transmission, from either the private or public sectors, for 15, maybe 20 years,” said Lawrence Musaba, the manager of the Southern African Power Pool, a 12-nation consortium of electricity utilities at the continent’s tip.

The implications go beyond candlelight suppers and extra blankets on beds. The lack of reliable power has already begun to hamper the region’s development, clipping more than 2 percent off the annual growth rates of the worst-hit African economies, according to the World Bank. Some nations, like Ghana, have tried to deal with their power crises by leasing huge teams of gas generators, producing emergency power at exorbitant rates until power plants can be built.

In Nigeria, Angola and some other nations, virtually all businesses and many residents run private generators to supplement faltering public service, saddling economies with added costs and worsening pollution.

“I’ve been on the 20th floor of an apartment building in Luanda, and there would be generators on all the verandas, with the racket, the fumes,” said Anton Eberhard, a former electricity regulator and an expert on power at the University of Cape Town. “And the lift isn’t working, because the main power supply is off.”

In normal times, South Africa’s muscular chain of power plants fills the gaps of its neighbors. But South Africa now could experience up to seven years of its own electricity shortages. Rolling blackouts blanketed parts of the country in January, and sporadic power failures have persisted since.

The gravity of this year’s shortage is all the more apparent considering how little electricity sub-Saharan Africa has to begin with. Excluding South Africa, whose economy and power consumption dwarf other nations’, the region’s remaining 700 million citizens have access to roughly as much electricity as do the 38 million citizens of Poland.

Much goes to industry: a single aluminum smelter near Mozambique’s capital, Maputo, gobbles four times as much power as the entire rest of Mozambique. On average, the World Bank says, fewer than one in four sub-Saharan Africans are hooked to national electricity grids.

Moreover, some grids are so poorly maintained that electricity suppliers get paid for as little as 60 percent of the power they generate. The rest is either stolen or lost in ill-maintained networks.

For decades, the region had enough generating capacity — and few enough customers — to tolerate such waste. No more: sub-Saharan nations are adding about a thousand megawatts of generating capacity each year, World Bank experts say, but need up to twice that to keep pace with demand.

Some governments privatized chunks of their power industry in the early 1990s when free-market solutions to public-sector problems were in vogue, leaving it unclear who is ultimately responsible for providing power.

Other governments, as in South Africa, failed to build power plants that experts warned were needed. The government monopoly Eskom, the world’s fourth-largest power utility, was advised in a 1998 report that it would run short of power in 2007, but planning and financing problems — not all within the utility’s control — stalled upgrades. The forecast was actually optimistic: Eskom began running short in 2006.

Yet South Africa’s woes pale beside those of Nigeria, Africa’s most populous nation. Only 19 of 79 power plants work, the government said in April. Daily electricity output has plunged 60 percent from its peak, and blackouts cost the economy $1 billion a year, the Council for Renewable Energy in Nigeria says.

Poor management is but one problem. War has devastated the power grid in Congo, in Africa’s heart, and stalled plans to develop its vast hydroelectric potential. In Kenya, Tanzania, Uganda and parts of West Africa, drought has shrunk rivers and slashed the generating capacity of hydroelectric dams. Drought in Ghana, for example, has crippled gold and aluminum production and set off blackouts in Togo and Benin, which buy power from Ghana.

Once a major power exporter, Uganda now blacks out parts of its capital, Kampala, for as much as a day at a time and has leased two 50-megawatt generators, burning diesel at a time of record oil prices. The demand for hydropower in Uganda and its neighbors, with drought, is blamed by some for a steady reduction in the water level of Lake Victoria, Africa’s largest.

Uganda’s gas stations are now short of diesel for vehicles — in part, paradoxically, because power shortages are shutting down a pipeline from Kenya. News reports say the nation has spent enough on diesel-fueled power generation to build two hydroelectric dams.

Zambia, where power to customers like Mr. Mwale is rationed almost every day, is a template for such problems. Barely 20 percent of households are wired for power — only 3 percent in rural areas — but the Zambia Electricity Supply Company, known as Zesco, is signing up 10,000 new customers a year, said Christopher Nthala, the utility’s transmission director.

Now Zambia is getting a push: a global commodities boom has jolted its moribund metals industry to life. Investors are building two smelters, and doubling the capacity of another, to handle the boom in copper, nickel and other metals, taxing the nation’s power supply.

“We’ve never seen this kind of growth before,” Mr. Nthala said.

Once the utility could make up shortfalls by buying power from other utilities in the Southern Africa Power Pool. But today, Mr. Nthala said, neighbors have little surplus to hand out. “Sometimes we get it,” he said. “Sometimes we don’t.”

None of that mollifies customers, who say blackouts are so common that service in much of Lusaka has become totally unreliable.

Many power failures seem to hit Matero, a poor township that is home to maybe a million of Lusaka’s estimated three million residents. “Every day — it’s either in the morning, when people are going to work or preparing to cook, or in the evening, the prime time when I’m tired and I need to go home and listen to the news and cook my supper,” said Bishop Peter Ndhlovu, who leads the 250,000-member Bible Gospel Church, an evangelical movement.

Nighttime prayer meetings in his corrugated-roof chapel have been canceled. Bishop Ndhlovu and others say they lave lost refrigerators, televisions and DVD players to the utility’s blackouts and surges.

Most of the township’s residents have adapted by turning away from their stoves and instead cooking outdoors, village-style, with homemade charcoal. “Charcoal is going very fast, because they’ve found out that Zesco is cutting power unpredictably,” the bishop said.

On Lusaka’s eastern outskirts, Mr. Mwale, the farmer, also has laid in a stock of charcoal — not to cook, but to warm his stock of newborn chicks, which must be kept at a constant 90 degrees for the three weeks after hatching.

He said he worried about the environment. Charcoal production is a major contributor to deforestation in Zambia and nearby nations. But the alternative is to take a loss on his poultry business.

“When they make a loss, they just raise their tariff,” he said of Zesco. “When I make a loss, I have to make it up myself. Is that fair?”

Zambia’s plan, like the plans of dozens of other nations, is to build its way out of the power crunch. Zesco plans $1.2 billion in generating upgrades and new capacity, financed mostly by China and India. South Africa plans more than $20 billion in upgrades; Congo is contemplating a hydroelectric station that by itself would increase capacity outside South Africa by 50 to 75 percent.

The World Bank says its financing of power projects in sub-Saharan Africa is ballooning, from $250 million five years ago to $660 million last year to $1 billion in 2007.

But many plans remain just that. Issues like creditworthiness, lax regulation, domestic politics and the sheer difficulty of sending power over rundown grids to the customer make outside investments in power stations tougher than they appear, said Tore Horvei, the chief operating officer of CIC Energy Corporation, which is based in South Africa.

The best answer, most experts consulted agree, would be for nations to cooperate on regional power solutions. One or two large regional plants, they say, could supply power more cheaply and efficiently than dozens of smaller ones.

But while that may be logical, Mr. Horvei said, “it’s very challenging in practice to do so.”

“National pride and everything else comes in,” he added.

There is an alternative: saving energy. Namibia plans a wind farm on its southern coast, while in South Africa, Eskom has handed out five million fluorescent bulbs and 140,000 insulating blankets for water heaters, and has paid industrial customers to switch off equipment during periods of high demand.

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Ons oorvol tronke

Die getal verhoorafwagtende gevangenes wissel skerp, afhangende van die tyd van die jaar. Tydens die besigste tyd van die jaar word tot 8 000 bykomende gevangenes in die reeds oorvol Suid-Afrikaanse tronke ingeprop.

Volgens Gideon Morris, direkteur van die Geregtelike Gevangenisinspeksieraad, is die besigste tyd van die jaar Februarie, Maart en April, weens die groot aantal arrestasies wat in Desember en Januarie uitgevoer word. Tydens wintermaande sak die aantal gevangenes terug na “normaal.“ Morris het verduidelik dat dit uiters moeilik is om die ekstra 8 000 gevangenes te hanteer. Dit kom neer op vier ekstra tronke, soortgelyk aan Pollsmoor-tronk, wat gevul moet word. Verder bring dit vertragings mee in die verhore van verhoorafwagtendes, wat in sommige gevalle tot vier jaar moet wag voor hulle sake aandag geniet.

Volgens die Organisasie vir Menseregte van Suid-Afrikaanse Gevangenes is daar tans 50 000 verhoorafwagtendes uit ’n totaal van 162 587 gevangenes wat in 240 tronke in die land aangehou word. Volgens Golden Miles Bhudu van die organisasie, lyk dit of beamptes in die polisie en justisie min gepla is oor die probleem en dat hulle glo hulle sal hul salarisse bly ontvang, ongeag of hulle hul werk doen of nie.

Ene Anthony Fish van Milnerton, wat tans op parool uit is, het onlangs oor die haglike omstandighede in die Pollsmoor-tronk waar hy aangehou is, gekla. Gesonde gevangenes deel selle met ander wat vigs of tuberkulose onder lede het. Hy is self aangehou in ’n sel van 8m x 12m saam met 56 ander mans. Daar was 34 beddens, een toilet en een stort. Dit het van weeluise en kakkerlakke gekrioel. Sommige gevangenes word net ’n uur per dag vrygelaat en die binnehof waar die gevangenes veronderstel is om te oefen, is vuil. Bendelede steek selmaats onder beddegoed weg, in die hoop dat die selle leeg sal lyk en bewaarders meer gevangenes daar sal plaas wat hulle dan kan besteel. Hulle klere en besittings word dan gestroop en vir dwelmmiddels (tik of dagga) verkoop. Gevangenes het seks met mekaar voor die ander selinwoners. Ou selfoonkaarte word as lepels gebruik om pap mee te eet. Saans kan pornografiese films vir R5,00 gehuur word.

Volgens ’n woordvoerder van die departement van korrektiewe dienste is die regering bewus van die probleme in plaaslike tronke en werk hulle aan oplossings. Hy het dit beklemtoon dat soortgelyke probleme ook elders in die wêreld voorkom.

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Eugene de Kock draai teen De Klerk

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Eugene de Kock

Die veroordeelde Vlakplaasmoordenaar, Eugene de Kock, het vanuit die gevangenis ’n aanval op oud-president De Klerk geloods en hom daarvan beskuldig dat hy in 1993 optrede teen ’n vermeende terreurbende in Umtata gemagtig het waarin twee kinders van twaalf jaar oud, Mzwandile Mfeya en Sandiso Yose, gesterf het.

Hierdie inligting is afkomstig uit getuienis wat die vorige hoof van die SAW, Generaal Georg Meiring, voor die Waarheids- en versoeningskommissie gelewer het.

In ’n voorbladberig in vandag se Sunday Times word De Klerk ook daarvan beskuldig dat hy vergaderings van die destydse Staatsveiligheidsraad bygewoon het waarin die volgende kwessies ter sprake was:

  • die stigting van ’n sogenaamde “Derde Mag”;
  • hoe om ’n lys van “polities sensitiewe persone” korter te maak;
  • hulp aan die Inkathavryheidsparty om ’n “paramilitêre mag” daar te stel.

De Klerk het hom vandeesweek probeer verdedig teen ANC-beskuldigings tydens ’n perskonferensie waar hy gekla het dat “die stories my reputasie verskriklike skade aangedoen (het, omdat) dit poog om dit moeilik te maak vir my om aan te hou om ’n konstruktiewe rol nasionaal en internasionaal te speel.”

“En dit het die potensiaal om my materiële belange ernstig en negatief te beïnvloed,” het hy verder gesê. De Klerk was die afgelope aantal jare gereeld ’n genooide spreker in die buiteland waar hy as gewese staatshoof teen betaling toesprake gelewer het. Waarskynlik is dit waarna hy verwys met sy “materiële belange”.

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FW… in die spervuur

Verdere bewerings wat nou teen De Klerk gemaak word, is dat hy op 20 Desember 1985 ’n buitengewone vergadering van die Staatsveiligheidsraad in Tuynhuys bygewoon het lede van die kabinet, onder andere Magnus Malan, Louis le Grange en Chris Heunis teenwoordig was en waar besluit is om hulp aan die IVP te verleen om ’n “veiligheidsmag” op die been te bring.

Vyf maande later is besluit dat vervoer vir die IVP-mag deur die amptelike veiligheidsmagte verskaf moet word. “Dit moet bereid wees om onpopulêr te wees en selfs gevrees te word sonder om die beeld van die SAW en die SAP af te takel,” het ’n dokument tydens die WVK blykbaar gelui.

Op 14 Julie 1986 en 8 September 1986 het De Klerk twee ander vergaderings van die Staatsveiligheidsraad bygewoon waar optrede teen ’n lys van “polities sensitiewe persone” bespreek is. Die vergadering het besluit dat die “lys van polities sensitiewe persone verkort moet word en dat metodes buiten aanhouding oorweeg moet word”.

Deur die ANC se voorneme om De Klerk, oud-minister Adriaan Vlok en Johan van der Merwe te vervolg, wil dit voorkom asof ’n nuwe propagandaoorlog tussen dié beweging en die destydse NP-onderhandelaars losgebars het. Intussen berig Rapport dat ’n slagoffer van ANC-terreur, Mnr. Dirk van Eck (58) en sy seun, Erick (22), die nasionale vervolgingsgesag per brief gevra het “om die saak teen oud-minister Vlok en Van der Merwe te laat vaar. Indien dit nie laat vaar word nie, wil hulle vra dat soortgelyke vervolging ingestel word teen ANC-leiers wat die opdrag gegee het vir Operasie Kletswayo, die landmyn-ontplof- fing wat lede die Van Eck- en De Nysschen- gesin op ’n private wildplaas in Limpopo aan flarde geruk het.”

Die Van Eck-gesin staan sal in hul regsaksie deur Afriforum, ‘n afdeling van die vakbond Solidariteit, bygestaan word. Dis bekend dat die hoof van Solidariteit, mnr. Flip Buys, asook die Afrikanerbond, nou met die FW de Klerk-stigting skakel en ook voorheen saam aan gesprekke met die ANC deelgeneem het.

Die vraag is egter of die Nasionale Vervolgingsgesag onder mnr. Bulelani Ncguka, wat reeds sy posisie in die Zumageval misbruik het, bereid sou wees om ANC-ampsdraers te vervolg op grond van klagtes wat deur blanke Afrikanerslagoffers gelê word.

Die twee persone wat die landmyne geplant het waarin Van Eck se gesin beseer is en sy vrou uiteindelik dood is, Mzondeli Euclid Nondula en Nthetheleli Zephania Mncube, het kwytskelding van die WVK ontvang. Hoewel die ANC ‘n dag na die ontploffing oo 15 Desember 1985 aanspreeklikheid daarvoor aanvaar het, het geen ANC-leier nog ooit vir amnestie aansoek gedoen nie.

Volgens Van Eck het hy “nie ’n probleem met Mncube en Nondula nie. Hulle was marionette. Ek het ná die WVK gevoel dit is aan albei kante afgehandel. Totdat die nasionale vervolgingsgesag vroeër vanjaar die ou wonde begin oopkrap het.”

Maar hy voel dat die verantwoordelike leiers van die ANC ook aan die pen behoort te ry as individue soos Vlok en Van der Merwe tans aangekla word.

Hy sê: “Ek het besluit genoeg is genoeg. Dit gaan nie oor my belange nie. Dit gaan oor die regering wat weer van voor af die nasie begin polariseer deur eensydig op te tree.”

Van Eck sou graag wou hê dat die boek van die verlede toegemaak moet word en dat geen verdere vervolgings van beide kante ingestel behoort te word nie.

Met sowel die howe as die nasionale vervolgingsgesag wat intussen met ANC-lojaliste getransformeer is, is dit egter moeilik om te sien hoe Afriforum namens ANC-slagoffers hofsake met dieselfde selfvertroue as die ANC gaan voer. Die ANC se beheer oor die howe het veral tydens die Ermelo-saak teen Afrikaans na vore gekom waar die hoofregter in die Transvaalse Hooggeregshof, Bernard Ngoepe, summier ‘n vorige bevinding van ‘n blanke regter omver gewerp en sonder opgaaf van redes vir Hoërskool Ermelo gedwing het om intussen Engelse klasse in te stel.

Die dreigement van teenvervolgings vanuit die De Klerk-kamp mag dus redelik tandeloos blyk.

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Mbeki verdedig Manto

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Medisinale Manto

President Mbeki het gister in sy weeklikse nuusbrief vir Manto Tshabalala-Msimang, minister van gesondheid, verdedig. Dit volg op die onlangse herrie wat ontstaan het na aanleiding van die abnormaal hoë babasterftesyfer van die Frere-hospitaal in die Oos-Kaap.

In ’n filosofiese relaas van “feite teenoor fiksie” meen Mbeki diegene wat die situasie by die hospitaal gekritiseer het, jok. Die Daily Dispatch het naamlik ’n artikel gepubliseer waarin beweer word dat 2 000 babas oor die afgelope veertien jaar by Frere-hospitaal doodgebore is. Verlede maand het nie minder nie as 43 babas gesterf. Adjunkminister Nozizwe Madlala-Routledge het die hospitaal besoek die dag nadat die nuusberig verskyn het. Sy het na die situasie by Frere verwys as simptomaties van die “nasionale krisis” in die openbare gesondheidsektor.

Kort ná die adjunkminister se besoek het minister Manto Tshabalala-Msimang ’n ondersoek na die babasterftes by Frere geloods. Daar is bevind dat die hospitaal se instandhoudingsbegroting totaal ontoereikend was en dat daar inderdaad ’n personeeltekort was, soos deur die Daily Dispatch uitgewys. Sy het egter verklaar dat die sterftesyfer by die hospitaal oordryf is en nie erger is as by ander staatshopitale nie.

Mike Waters, die Demokratiese Alliansie se woordvoerder oor gesondheidsake, het ’n beroep op die minister gedoen om die volle inhoud van die verslag bekend te maak en beweer dat foute verdoesel is om die provinsiale owerhede te beskerm. Mbeki, wat uit die Cambridge Dictionary of Philosophy en Charles Dickens aangehaal het, het Waters egter geroskam omdat hy die koerantberig geglo het en die minister gekritiseer het.

Die president bekla die feit dat “die waarheid nie altyd met die werklikheid ooreenstem nie.“ Hy sluit af met die volgende woorde: “Op een of ander stadium ontdek diegene wat probeer om die werklikheid te vervals ten einde hulle eie doelwitte te bereik, dat leuens hulle nie ver bring nie. Die stryd gaan voort!“

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Prime Hensopper en sy warmplaatwals

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‘Prime Hensopper’?

Ek sien ou Prime Evil (alias Eugene de Kock) will nou vir Prime Hensopper (alias FW de Klerk) betrek by Apartheidsmisdade uit hul prostituut-begraafde NP verlede . . .

Hiermee bietjie kommentaar op sommige aanhalings uit sy tranedal verweringe (”met ’n stem wat deurslaan van emosie”, volgens die Volksbladberig) in beide die BEELD en VOLKSBLAD oor hierdie jongste verwikkeling: 

1.       Hy reken dat hy nooit sy rug op sy voetsoldate sal draai nie So waarom het hy De Kock nie aangekeer reeds tydens die NP-bewind en hom aangekla van sy misdade as hy kwansuis buite regeringsbeleid opgetree het nie?! Indien De Kock wel binne beleid gewerk het, dan lieg FW mos nou, want De Kock krepeer jare reeds in die tronk !

2. “Ek was nooit deel van vergaderings, insluitend dié van die Staatsveiligheidsraad, waar besluite geneem is wat menseregtevergrype redelikerwys kon regverdig nie. Ek was nooit deel van ’n besluit wat sluipmoorde, koelbloedige moord, pogings tot moord of verkragting toegelaat het nie.”  Aldus, FW. Miskien was hy weliswaar nie deel van sulke vergaderings nie, maar dis moeilik om te glo dat hy as staatshoof nooit agterna ingelig was oor wat op sulke vergaderings besluit is nie! Indien hy nie ingelig was nie, waarom het hy nooit kommissies van ondersoek ingestel wanneer dit aan die lig gekom het dat politieke opponente spoorloos verdwyn of êrens dood opgeduik het nie?

3. De Klerk sê dat enige besluite wat geneem is wat tot menseregtevergrype kon lei, strydig was met alles waarvoor hy gestaan het. Maar om Afrikaners en Boere oor te lewer aan menseregtevergrype waar tienduisende van hulle reeds wreedaardig vermoor is sedert ’94, weeg ligter op FW se skaal en die beginsels waarvoor hy staan?!

4. “As hy weens menseregtevergrype uit die apartheidsera aangekla word, het Suid-Afrika nie meer ’n regstelsel waarin mense vertroue kan hê nie,” meen hy. Besef hy dit nou eers?   Die integriteit van die regstelsel is reeds tydens verskeie geleenthede in die verlede deur selfs regsgeleerdes bevraagteken – mor hy dalk oor hy moontlik die slagoffer kan word van een van die Frankenstein-simptome van sy ondeurdagte nalatenskap van ’92?

5. Hy sê: “Na afloop van die WVK se aktiwiteite was daar ’n toenemende neiging om wittes moreel tot tweedeklas-burgers te relegeer.” So waarteen dink hy het die NEE-stemmers van destyds gewaarsku?

Nee wat, dit lyk my die plaat word al hoe warmer sodat selfs die ou “ringnek”-katte pikante danspassies moet uithaal . . . Sy naïwiteit om te dink dat die rewolusie van regeringsverandering in ’94 nie nadraaie sou oplewer nie, slaan mens soms stom.    Buiten die “people” wat lustig dors vir sy en sy mede-apartheidbewindhebbers se bloed, staan daar ook ‘n beduidende deel van die Afrikanerdom verder agtertoe in die ry wat meen hy het hul verlede, hede en toekoms uitverkoop – besig om ook hul tande te slyp. . .

Om hierdie rede meen ek die lang arm van die gereg wat nou besig is om hom in te haal, wek by sommige Afrikaners simpatie, maar by ander geammuseerde lekkerkry.

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Uraanontginning raak warm in Niger

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Uraanmyn, Niger

Niger het Woensdag besluit om die direkteur van die Franse groep Areva, die grootste privaatinstelling wat werk verskaf in die land, die deur te wys. Die direkteur, Dominique Pin, word daarvan beskuldig dat hy die Toeareg-rebellie in die noorde van Niger gefinansier het. Areva is die wêreld se grootste siviele kernkragonderneming. Pin het die bewering intussen ten skerkste ontken.

Die maatskappy het Donderdag onthuts gereageer op die uitsetting. Hulle meen dat daar absoluut geen regverdiging vir die staat se optrede kan wees nie. Die kwessie word gekenmerk deur ‘n "klimaat van wedersydse misverstande", volgens ‘n segspersoon van Areva. Hulle is al 40 jaar lank besig met die ontginning van uraan in Niger.

 
Hy het voorts gesê: "Die groep wil ‘n belangrike rol bly speel in die ekonomiese en maatskaplike ontwikkeling van die land. Daarom moet veiligheid en stabiliteit in Niger so gou moontlik heers."

Die minister van sekurtiteit, Albadé Abouba, het glo die uitsettingsbevel gegee, nadat daar bevind is dat Pin bande met Toeareg-rebelle se beweging, in Frans bekend as die MNJ, het. Daar is egter nog geen amptelike verklaring oor die aangeleentheid uitgereik nie.

Tans is daar Chinese en Kanadese maatskappye teenwoordig in dieselfde bedryf, alhoewel die Franse nog kort gelede as gunsteling aangedui is. Areva het ook onlangs bekend gemaak dat hulle ‘n miljard euro sal investeer in die Imouraren-myn. Desnieteenstaande lyk dit asof goeie verhoudinge nie meer as vanselfsprekend sal geld nie.

‘n Week gelede is ‘n "televisiedebat" uitgesaai waarin twee afgevaardigdes die lugtyd gebruik het om Areva, RFI en France24 aan te val. RFI (Radio France Internationale) se lugtyd op FM is ook afgesny. Libië, ‘n buurland, het daarna deurgeloop. Die uitsending het daartoe gelei dat duisende mense die volgende dag teen Areva en Libië gaan betoog het in Niamey.

Die rebelle het ondertussen Chinese maatskappye daarvan beskuldig dat hulle die weermag van Niger finansier en van toerusting voorsien. Hulle het selfs ‘n Chinese werknemer by een van die Chinese ondernemings ontvoer en ‘n week later weer vrygelaat, in protes daarteen.
 

компрессоры насосы беккер комплектующиеФильчаков прокурор харькова

‘Neo-colonial stranglehold’

The continued control of African countries by their former colonial masters was one of the main contributors to crises on the continent, President Thabo Mbeki said on Friday.

Addressing parliamentarians from African countries at the 38th Commonwealth Parliamentary Association meeting in Parliament, Mbeki said there was an urgent need for Africans to take full control of their own destiny.

"After the wave of independence, mainly in the 1960s, a combination of factors that brought about numerous crises in our countries ensured that our continent was placed under de facto trusteeship, with programmes and policies for Africa’s development drawn-up by people who were not only not African, but were, in many instances, those who had been our colonial masters.

"To defeat this neo-colonial stranglehold, we have developed our own path of development, as reflected in the Constitutive Act authorising the establishment of the African Union, and the AU development and reconstruction programme, the New Partnership for Africa’s Development (NEPAD)," he said.

[…]

"This must surely mean that your oversight function as parliamentarians includes oversight over the implementation of the Constitutive Act," he said.

He hailed the setting up of the Pan-African Infrastructure Development Fund as one of the most important milestones in the continent’s march to independence.

"Of critical and historic importance is the fact that the entirety of the capital of the fund, currently amounting to $625m (about R4.4bn), originates exclusively from within our continent.

"We are confident that within the next 12 months the capital base of the … fund will reach $1bn (about R7.1bn)," he said.

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British teenagers badly behaved, dangerous

A recent report indicates that, apparently, British youngsters and more violent, dangerous and promiscuous than anywhere else in Europe.

It’s official! Britain has the most badly behaved, promiscuous and dangerous youngsters in Europe. That is the general opinion of the Institute for Public Policy Research (IPPR), a think tank whose recent investigation into British teenage culture worrying concluded that: ‘Commentators fear that British youth is on the verge of mental breakdown, at risk from anti-social behaviour, self-harm, drug and alcohol abuse. These concerns are, to an extent, borne out.’ This news had prompted a flurry of media attention and has caused many to question and hypothesise why exactly our youngsters are so bad.

The statistics are certainly damning:

– 38% of British 15-year-olds have tried cannabis (compared to 7% in Sweden and 27% in Germany)

– Britain’s teens are the third worst binge-drinkers in Europe (after those heavyweights from Ireland and, somewhat surprisingly, Denmark)

– One in ten teenage girls has self-harmed

– British teens have more sex than their counterparts in Germany, France and Italy, while the country also has the highest rate of teenage pregnancy in Europe

Anecdotal evidence is not hard to come by either, with many Britons in a flurry over the hoodies, yobs and gangstas hanging around on street corners and making mischief. In fact, the IPPR report reveals that 1.5m Britons have considered moving house to get away from loitering youngsters and 1.7m admit to avoiding leaving the house after dark because of worries over youths in the street. While 65% of Germans, 52% of Spaniards and 50% of Italians would be prepared to intervene if they came across a group of 14-year-old boys vandalising a bus shelter, only 34% of Britain’s fearful population would be prepared to help.

These figures have helped highlight what is certainly a growing problem in Britain. Recent years have seen an increasing number of incidents of violent crime involving teenagers (with a worrying trend towards the use of knives and guns), while Britain’s deeply entrenched drinking culture also means that underage drinking is commonplace. The government has of course been doing its best to tackle the problem, for example introducing anti-social behaviour disorders (better knows as Asbos) to punish and restrain trouble makers. Worryingly though, recent research by the Youth Justice Board shows that many young people view these Asbos as a ‘badge of honour’.

Many commentators appear to be of the opinion that it is a breakdown of traditional family life and values which is depriving Britain’s children of a normal upbringing and therefore driving them onto the streets to ‘hang out with their mates’. It is alleged that Southern European countries, with their Catholic traditions, place greater emphasis on the family unit, while in Scandinavia a strong welfare state and sense of civic duty keep children in line. The IPPR’s results do confirm this opinion to some extent, revealing that 45% of English 15-year-old boys and 59% of Scottish ones spend most evenings out with friends, while in France only 17% do. Meanwhile, 93% of Italian teenagers claim to regularly eat with their family, but just 64% of Britons do. It could though be argued that British youngsters don’t eat with their family and choose to spend time on the streets because they are troublesome rather than blaming the disappearance of the nuclear family for causing these social problems. It does though seem fair to conclude that greater contact with and respect for adults can help foster more mature and civil behaviour amongst children, and changes in Britain’s social structure undoubtedly are not helping this. There are also many who blame the poor standard of state education in Britain, particularly in the poorest areas, for helping to create and perpetuate these groups of anti-social youngsters. Certainly compared to the Scandinavian nations, Britain’s schools leave a lot to be desired ,and the worst-performing institutions can become part of the self-perpetuating cycle of kids who are under-educated, violent and inadequately prepared to enter society.

While the debate rages over the roots of this anti-social behaviour, just as importantly many are discussing exactly what should be done to help. Mark Eaton, BBC News’ home affairs editor, is firmly of the opinion that sports and activities are the way forward. Apparently kids attending sports schemes and community centres are 3% less likely to be depressed, 5% less likely to end up single, separated or divorced, 3% less like to later live in social housing and 2% less likely to obtain no qualifications. Although Eaton claims that ‘the conclusions are obvious’, these percentages seem far too low to be of real significance, and while it is desirable for children to get involved with social and sporting activities, forcing little Kevin to join the badminton club does not provide a satisfactory answer to these problems. The IPPR does though generally agree with the idea of stimulating youngsters and helping them to develop, concluding rather scientifically that: ‘Young people who do not have access to the factors that develop their non-cognitive abilities are increasingly vulnerable to failure, while their better socialised peers will increasingly succeed.’

Some other voices though claim that this is all just a case of media manipulation, with the press choosing teenagers as their latest target to demonise and blame for crime. Pam Hibbert from the children’s charity Barnardo’s cites the fact that ‘young crime in itself has remained fairly static in the last 10 years.’ She blames the media and politicians for highlighting and exaggerating violence involving youths to ‘breed fear’. This of course is not a new accusation, and it is well documented that the number of media reports of certain types of crime often does not correlate with the actual events on the street. It also must be pointed out the record numbers of teenagers are leaving school with good qualifications and more are choosing to go to university than ever before. This might though worryingly indicate a social gulf appearing between a successful, well-adjusted majority, and a dangerous, neglected minority ignored and left behind.

Whatever the reality of the situation on our streets, it is obvious that the British public are feeling more scared of and less connected with a younger generation who are increasingly viewed as dangerous and violent and who appear not to really care about others, and often themselves. However big this anti-social section of society really is, there are undoubtedly social and perhaps cultural reasons for the way they have ended up. Tackling these will be as big a challenge for Britain’s government as any they face. Tony Blair’s Asbo scheme appears not to have had much effect, while David Cameron’s calls to try to sympathise with and relate to youngsters (his media-labelled ‘hug a hoodie’ approach) remain unheeded. Either way, it seems something must be done.

лестницу наФильчаков прокуратура харьков

Hongerstaking vir simpatie

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Pappa uitgesit… help!

Sowat 100 onwettige immigrante kampeer tans op die grasperk van die arbeidskantoor in Lille, in die noorde van Frankryk. Hulle is sedert 15 Junie besig met ’n hongerstaking om die aandag op hulle lot te vestig.

Abdulaï is 23 jaar oud en kom uit die Ivoorkus. Hy eet 20 suikerklontjies per dag, drink daagliks ’n  paar koppies tee asook drie liter water. ”As ek terugdink aan die Ivoorkus, kom daar probleme in my kop in,” vertel hy in gebroke Frans. Die immigrante het op 15 Junie op die hongerstaking besluit, téén die advies van die Komitee vir Onwettige Persone in Lille. Hulle hoop om sodoende simpatie te wek en om verblyfreg in Frankryk te bekom.

Volgens die prefek wat aan die hoof van die noordelike departement in Frankryk staan, Daniel Canépa, is daar maar tussen 5 en 10 stakers wat regtig honger ly. Hy het onderneem om hulle lêers ”dadelik te bestudeer.” Die plaaslike komitee wat immigrante bystaan, het vir hom ’n lys name gestuur van diegene wat hulle meen vinnig geïntegreer sal word en vir wie dit ”gevaarlik” sou wees om na hulle lande van oorsprong terug te keer. Mnr Canépa het onderneem om hulle volgende week persoonlik te woord te staan.

Hy het egter ontken dat die immigrante bang is dat hulle teruggestuur gaan word na Afrika, aangesien hulle braaf genoeg is om langs die vensters van sy kantoor te betoog. ”Net omdat sekere mense ons probeer afpers, beteken nie dat ons die wette van die republiek gaan verander nie,” het hy gesê.

Die immigrante weet egter dat vorige soortgelyke pogings die plaaslike bestuur in ’n staat van paniek gedompel het en daartoe gelei het dat alle betrokke immigrante terstond verblyfreg gekry het. Hulle hoop dus dat dit hierdie slag weer gaan werk.

гипсовые фигуры на стенуФильчаков прокурор харькова

Vervolg De Klerk en Vlok gerus

ImageAdriaan Vlok het homself enkele maande gelede verneder deur die radikale teoloog, Frank Chikane, se voete te gaan was. Nou ontvang hy sy verdiende loon met die nuus dat hy waarskynlik vervolg gaan word.

Maar ook F.W. de Klerk, die voormalige staatspresident wat ons in die huidige toestand van volslae magteloosheid, ongelykheid en geweld gedompel het met sy onbesonne oorgawe aan die radikale ANC/SAKP-ballingbende, gaan blykbaar tesame met Vlok vervolg word.

De Klerk, asook sy hoofonderhandelaar Roelf Meyer, word vandag allerweë in Afrikanergeledere as ’n verraaier beskou. Meyer het intussen letterlik na die ANC oorgeloop, wat ’n aanduiding is dat hy moontlik nog altyd aan die destydse eksterne gewapende vleuel, Umkhonto we Sizwe, onder aanvoering van Joe Slovo se kant was.

Of De Klerk ook op ’n stadium deur die ander kant gewerf is, sal ons nooit weet nie. Hy mag as verraaier gehandel het, of het bloot ’n kranksinnige graad van nalatigheid aan die dag gelê. Dit mag ook wees dat hy so naïef en onnosel was dat hy die ANC ernstig opgeneem en geglo het dat hulle werklik vir die Afrikaner plek in hul revolusionêre, gesuiwerde Afrosentriese staat sou inruim. Soos Pik Botha, ’n ander NP-“verligte” van destyds, onlangs verklaar het, het die ANC egter “vir ons gelieg”.

Hoe dit ook al sy, en benewens Piet de Wet en ander hensoppers tydens die Anglo-Boereoorlog, is F.W. de Klerk vandag sekerlik die mees gehate man in die Afrikanergeskiedenis. Hy is wesenlik verantwoordelikheid vir die ellende wat ons tans ervaar in die vorm van geweld, taal- en rassediskriminasie, verval van ons territoriale integriteit met die instroming van buitelanders oor ons grense, grondhervorming en alles wat daarmee saamhang.

Onder sy vele flaters of doelbewuste pogings om ons toekoms te saboteer, het De Klerk ook in 1991 op die aandrang van Mandela ’n amnestiewet gestem waardeur al die gevange en veroordeelde ANC-moordenaars kwytskelding ontvang het. Sy eie veiligheidsmagte het egter geen amnestie ontvang nie en moes voor die WVK-sirkus verskyn waar die vyande van die Afrikaner, onder andere Alex Boraine en Desmond Tutu, ons internasionaal as Nazi’s en volksmoordenaars beswadder het.

“Die revolusie vreet sy eie kinders op,” het Danton tydens die Franse Revolusie gesê. Hierdie ou waarheid verkry vandag nuwe stelligheid met die De Klerk-vervolging. F.W. het waarskynlik nooit kon dink dat die ongenaakbare revolusie wat oor die afgelope dertien jaar soveel duisende Afrikanerlewens sou eis, hom ook uiteindelik in sy visier sou kry nie.

As De Klerk hare gehad het, sou hy hulle vandag uit sy kop wou trek omdat hy destyds so goedsmoeds die ANC se totale terroristeleër kwytgeskeld, maar nie aan sy veiligheidsmagte en aan homself gedink het nie. Op ’n manier het slim sy baas gevang en is gewone Afrikaners geregtig op ’n bietjie leedvermaak om te sien hoe die ANC besig is om met De Klerk te mors.

Met sy perskonferensie gister het hy gepoog om simpatie vir hom onder Afrikaners te wek, maar jammerlik gefaal. As De Klerk weet wat goed vir hom is, sal hy vandag sy verskoning aanbied, nie aan Frank Chikane of die ander ANC-gedrogte wat hard daaraan werk om ons à la Mugabe uit ons land te verdryf nie, maar aan sy eie mense wat hom eens met hul toekoms vertrou het. De Klerk behoort op sy knieë te gaan en te erken dat hy met sy “onoorwonne oorgawe”, soos Giliomee daarna verwys, die mees groteske wandaad in ons 350-jarige geskiedenis begaan het.

Wat hy gedoen het, is besig om meer vernietigend op die Afrikanervolk in te werk as Milner en Kitchener se konsentrasiekampe; ons hele toekoms in Afrika is op die spel. Daarvoor sal hy nooit vergewe word nie en behoort hy, soos ek reeds in The Scourge of the ANC geskryf het, voor ’n Afrikaner-vuurpeleton te sterf.

Gedane sake het egter geen keer en ons mense, anders as die ANC-kommissaars, is nie van nature wraaksugtig nie. Daarom kan De Klerk in ’n geringe mate bydra tot ons huidige stryd deur te erken dat hy ’n enorme fout begaan het. Hy kan selfs pleit dat hy deur die Britte en Amerikaners mislei is. Dit sal die reeds wankelende legitimiteit van die huidige stelsel verder aftakel en sodoende ons huidige pogings om vryheid te herwin, vergemaklik.

Tot tyd en wyl De Klerk werklik tot inkeer kom en besef watter kolossale onreg hy ons aangedoen het, sal gewone Afrikaners hulle verlustig in die gedagte dat die eertydse arrogante verraaierpresident nou self deur sy eertydse vriende aangekla gaan word.

De Klerk was lid van die Staatsveiligheidsraad en moes vir seker op hoogte gewees het van koverte operasies wat deur die destydse veiligheidspolisie en nasionale intelligensie gevoer is, veral waar sluipmoorde ter sprake was. Die ANC en sy nasionale vervolgingsgesag is daarom korrek in hul afleiding dat De Klerk ewe strafbaar as Vlok en sy voetsoldate is. Sy verweer dat hy kastig naïef was en net van sulke sake in die koerante gelees het, kan kwalik ernstig opgeneem word.

Tot tyd en wyl De Klerk berou begin toon, sal die wens van die gewone Afrikaner wees dat sy kierangs mag braai en dat hy as openbare figuur afgetakel sal word tot ’n vlak benede die smaad en vernedering wat ons volk tans reeds van sy vyande verduur.

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Russian complains about censorship

Russian Foreign Minister Sergey V. Lavrov did not manage to publish his article in the leading American journal The Foreign Affairs. The article was designed to be a response to a one of former Ukrainian Prime Minister Yulia Tymoshenko, that had been published in May — entitled "Containing Russia." After negotiations with the magazine Sergey V. Lavrov has pulled his article “because of the censorship.”

In the statement issued by the RF Foreign Ministry it is said that the Minister wanted to address directly to the audience of the magazine “in order to explain Russia’s Foreign Policy, its view of today’s international relations and ways to ensure a positive development of US-Russian relations, including interaction in international affairs.”

The Foreign Affairs is an influential American magazine devoted to foreign relations. It is issued every two months by the Council on Foreign Relations and designed to explain and comment the USA international policy.

“The Editors, with reference to their own standards, substantially edited the article, if not censored it. It was cut by 40%, losing a considerable part of its original meaning. Some editing even meant that Sergey Lavrov was to subscribe to certain Foreign Policy positions of the present US Administration, to which Russia objects on grounds of principle.” – it is said in the statement of the Foreign Ministry.

Besides that the editors required to supply the article with a subtitle which read “averting a new Cold War” or “a conflict between Russia and America”, whereas Moscow insists that any return to the Cold War is out of the enquiry.

“As a result of the excruciating and sluggish exchanges with the Editors, the likes of which could only be found in diplomatic history, it was decided to give up trying to place Sergey Lavrov’s article in Foreign Affairs. This tough experience reminded of the worst features of the Soviet censorship past, which it appears some in the US would like to repeat.” – the Ministry reports.

It is a pity, indeed, that in parts of US media there exists a trend of “state protection”, which narrows intellectual resource of America. We are convinced the USA deserves better. Lavrov’s article was to be published in May, but now it is available in English on the site of the Russian Foreign Ministry.

Head of the Russian Foreign Ministry wanted to answer the article signed by Yulia V. Timoshenko published in the magazine in April. It was entitled “Containing Russia. The Sources Of Russian Conduct”. The title refers to the famous "Long Telegram," penned by an American diplomat George Kennan, who later was named one of the main ideologists of the Cold War. Timoshenko’s article was issued just by the sixtieth anniversary of Kennan’s essay.

Having made a reservation that she does not believe in a new cold war, Timoshenko claims that after the wreck of Communism the West has not still elaborated a realistic policy concerning Russia, which “straddles the world’s geopolitical heartland and is heir to a remorseless imperial tradition.”

“Accordingly, instead of drawing Russia into a network of dialogue and cooperation when it was weak — and thereby helping it form habits that would carry on when Russia regained strength — the West ignored Russia” – it is said in the article. Properly speaking, the core statement of the former Ukrainian premier is that Russia will never lose its imperial ambitions, no matter how it will develop. “The West must seek to create counterweights to Russia’s expansionism and not place all its chips on Russian domestic reform.” Support of the reforms “cannot substitute for a serious effort to counter Russia’s long-standing expansionism”, Timoshenko reckons.

“If there is one country toward which Europeans — and, indeed, the entire West — should share a common foreign policy, it is Russia.” Timoshenko considers that immediate actions are needed, inasmuch as “dependence on Russian energy supplies will only continue to grow.” She reckons that over the increasing oil and gas income Kremlin acquires an exaggerated idea of its power. The only thing that could sober it up is a coordinated policy of the West in all fields, beginning with problems of democracy, Chechnya and Kosovo and finishing with the Energy Charter Transit Protocol, Iran and relations with neighbor countries. “Indeed, Russian reform will be strengthened if Russia is encouraged to concentrate — for the first time in its history — on developing its national territory”, – Timoshenko says.

The article is written in good literary language and it is very American stylistically that allowed observers to suppose that Americans had participated in its writing. In any case it is obvious that Timoshenko is not the only person who shares statements expressed in the article. After the famous Putin’s speech in Munich there are growing harsh statements concerning Russian authorities amid American politicians and experts. The USA president George Bush who had never criticized his “friend Vladimir” before began speaking that Russia backslides on democracy, abuses dependence of the West countries on its energy supplies and all that sort of thing.

There was quite a significant interview of an American Democratic Congressman Tom Lantos given the Reuters Agency not long before Putin’s visit to Kennebunkport, Maine. Lantos, famous for his tough statements about Russia, compared Putin with the cartoon character Popeye, saying, “They’re eating the spinach of petroleum revenues, and the billions are flowing into the Kremlin, and with every billion … Putin’s muscles bulge more powerfully.”

Jule 19 the most popular Italian newspaper Corriere della Sera published an interview with a famous Americal historian and political scientist Richard Pipes who claimed that relations between Russia and the West are extremely bad and that can result in a new form of a cold war. Moreover, Pipes went even farther and compared Russia not with Popeye the Sailor but with bin Laden. “For Europe, Russia could be even more dangerous than the threat of Islam, more hazardous than bin Laden”, he said. The reason is tha same: Russia strives for becoming a superpower again in order to put pressure upon European and even world economy.

“When I come to Russia I’m always stricken with hostility of the country towards the West. Containment policy with regard to the country is necessary as well as it was with regard to the Soviet Union. That concerns first of all the economy, that is West oil companies are to stop making contracts with Russia, while the banks should cut off investments.” – the scientist argued.

As for the most painful problem, American antimissile shield in Poland and the Czech Republic, Pipes said “We need to settle it, otherwise Russia will think that all countries of the former socialistic camp are still within its sphere of influence”.

компрессор винтовойЛобановский Харьков

Skelm staatsamptenare moet geld teruggee

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Zola Skweyiya

Nagenoeg 6 000 staatsamptenare het reeds skulderkennnings geteken ten einde die R21 miljoen terug te betaal wat hulle die regering skuld. Hierdie geld is deur die amptenare gesteel in die vorm van welsynstoelaes wat hulle nie toekom nie.

Zola Skweyiya, minister van sosiale ontwikkeling, het gister in die parlement gesê hierdie geld sal oor ’n periode van vyf jaar terugbetaal moet word, teen 5,5% rente. 2 058 Staatsamptenare is reeds deur die hof skuldig bevind daaraan dat hulle toelaes geëis het waarop hulle nie geregtig was nie. Diegene wat verkies het om die geld aan die staat terug te gee, het ooreenkomste aangegaan en skulderkennnings geteken.

Die Demokratiese Alliansie het vroeër beswaar aangeteken toe dit bekend geword het dat die staat amptenare tot 30 jaar wou gee om die geld terug te betaal. Die reëling is toe deur die departement verander. Die grootste enkelbedrag wat tot dusver geskuld word, is R48 000 wat oor ’n periode van 59 maande deur ’n beampte in Kwazulu-Natal terugbetaal moet word. ’n Ander amptenaar in die Limpopo-provinsie het verkies om haar skuld in ’n lompsom van R25 000 terug te betaal. Dis nie bekend of sy dit al gedoen het nie.

Volgens Skweyiya is die Spesiale Ondersoekeenheid (ook bekend as die Kobras) tans besig met ’n ondersoek om vas te stel watter amptenare tot dusver by gebreke gebly het om hulle skuld te begin terug te betaal. Regstappe sal dan teen die betrokke individue gedoen word. Willie Hofmeyr, wat aan die hoof van die eenheid staan, meen dat die ondersoek uitgebrei moet word na mense wat nie noodwendig vir die staat werk nie. Tot 400 000 individue sal ondervra moet word. Die departement moes vanjaar ’n ekstra bedrag van 60 miljoen rand vir hierdie ondersoek opsy sit.

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Teken ons petisie teen die gebruik van ‘Tshwane’ ipv Pretoria

Teken ons petisie teen die gebruik van die naam Tshwane ipv Pretoria!

Sien ook die verwante Items:

‘Tshwane’: genoeg is genoeg!

ANC en sy SAUK wil Afrikaners uittart met ‘Tshwane’

Ope brief aan Mbeki oor ‘Tshwane’ 

печи для бани челябинсклобановский александр игоревич харьков