Leon Lemmer: Die Anglo-Boereoorlog: Die onmin tussen Boer en Brit (Deel 2)

Ter aanvulling van my vorige rubriek (Praag 14.03.2020) bespreek het nog twee minder bekende boeke oor die Anglo-Boereoorlog (ABO) wat in daardie era gepubliseer is.

Impressions of South Africa

James Bryce (1838-1922) was ‘n Britse historikus en politikus. Vanweë studie in Duitsland het hy groot waardering vir die Duitsers gehad. “There are no better colonists than the Germans” (bron hier onder, Kindle 5713). Hy erken darem dat in die Zuid-Afrikaansche Republiek (ZAR)/Transvaal “most of the Germans, moved by anti-British feeling, favoured President Kruger’s Government” (6157). Bryce was later die sekretaris/minister vir Ierland (1905-1907) en die Britse ambassadeur in Amerika (1907-1913). Hy het Suid-Afrika in 1897 besoek en die volgende boek gepubliseer: Impressions of South Africa (London: Macmillan, 1897, 1898, 1899, 423p; Amazon Kindle $3,44). Bryce was ‘n voortreflike akademikus en het deeglike, omvattende navorsing oor Suid-Afrika gedoen.

Sy ideaal as historikus was om objektief te wees. Hy kry dit soms reg, maar ander kere is hy kenmerkend Brits en is hy skynbaar nie in staat om buite die destydse geykte raamwerk te dink nie. Hy skryf bv: “The British Government has been perfectly impartial” (6726) en “It may nevertheless be truly said for the British Government that it almost always sought to act justly” (6753), asook “The mother country never interferes with any matters of colonial concern, unless in the rare cases where a matter primarily local may affect the general relations and interests of the whole empire” (6980). Om die een of ander rede aanvaar Bryce sonder meer dat Suidelike Afrika Britse koloniale eiendom mag en moet wees. ‘n Mens kon ook nie verwag dat hy na ‘n enkele besoek gesaghebbend oor alle plaaslike onderwerpe sou skryf nie. Tydens die ABO was sy boek baie invloedryk in Brittanje. Soms sê hy die Afrikaners uiters sleg; ook die swartes, wat hy dink soos kinders behandel moet word – in ooreenstemming met ‘n standpunt wat destyds wye aanhang in Brittanje en Europa geniet het.

Wat hom van Suid-Afrika opgeval het, is dat “the country is a black man’s country” (5239). “All unskilled work is done by black people” (5286). “As servants in stores [blacks] are little more prone to petty thefts than are Europeans” (5306). “Taken as a whole, they [blacks] are a quiet and orderly people, not given to crimes of violence, and less given (so far as I could gather) to pilfering than are the negroes of the Southern States of America. The stealing of stock from farms has greatly diminished. Assaults upon women, such as are frequent in those States, and have recently caused a hideous epidemic of lynching, are extremely rare” (4313). Volgens wat hy skryf, kan blanke Suid-Afrikaners van geluk spreek wat betref die meerderheidsgroep in die bevolking. Hulle, die swartes, “will in time show capacity, and tell you that their inferiority to white men lies less in mere intellectual ability than in power of will and steadiness of purpose” (5319).

Die Khoi-San (soos ons hulle deesdae noem) is die enigste inheemses. Die swartes is indringers wat uit die noorde gekom het (5245). Daar is enkele selfregerende Britse kolonies. Hoekom? “Because they have a European population that they [the British government] have been deemed fit to govern themselves” (5258). “The traveller in South Africa is astonished at the strong feeling of dislike and contempt – one might almost say of hostility – which the bulk of the whites show to their black neighbours” (5326). “This sense of annoyance is naturally more intense toward a race so widely removed from the modern European as the Kafirs are” (5333). “The laws of the Boer Republics are far more harsh than those of the English Colonies, and the Transvaal Boers have been always severe and cruel in their dealings with the natives. But the English also have done so many things to be deplored that it does not lie with them to cast stones at the Boers” (5346).

Rassesegregasie kom van ver af: “There is indeed a complete social separation. Intermarriage, though permitted by law in the British Colonies, is extremely rare, and illicit unions are uncommon” (5353). In die Engelse kerke “blacks are admitted along with whites to the sacrament of the Lord’s Supper; but this (so I was told) is not the case in the Dutch Reformed Church” (5360). “Apart from this social disparagement, the native does not suffer much actual wrong” (5373). “There are no lynchings, as in America, and the white judges and magistrates, if not always the juries, administer the law with impartiality” (5379). “Cape Colony has a so-called ‘curfew law’ [aandklokreëling], requiring natives who are out of doors after dark to be provided with a pass – a law which is found oppressive by the best class of natives, educated and respectable men, though defended as necessary for public order, having regard to the large black population of the lower class, and their propensity to drink and petty offences” (5379). Anders as in die Kaapkolonie staan daar in die ZAR-grondwet van 1858: “The people will suffer no equality of whites and blacks, either in state or in church” (5414).

Soms wek Bryce die indruk van voorbeeldige nugterheid: “It is easy for people in Europe, who have had no experience of the presence among them of a semi-civilized race, destitute of the ideas and habits which lie at the basis of free government, to condemn the action of these Colonies in seeking to preserve a decisive electoral majority for the whites. But any one who has studied the question on the spot, and especially any one who has seen the evils which in America have followed the grant of the suffrage to persons unfit for it, will form a more charitable judgment” (5441). Maar die armsalige FW de Klerk en sy groepie meelopers het eerstehandse kennis van die plaaslike omstandighede gehad en nogtans toegegee aan die eis van swart meerderheidsregering. “To toss the gift [not right] of political power into the lap of a multitude of persons who are not only ignorant, but in mind children rather than men, is not to confer a boon, but to inflict an injury” (5448). “The black man accepts the superiority of the white as part of the order of nature. He is too low down, too completely severed from the white, to feel indignant” (5455). “Each race goes its own way and lives its own life” (5462).

Tereg vestig Bryce die aandag op die deurslaggewende demografiese verskil tussen Amerika en Suid-Afrika: “In the whole Unites States the whites are to the blacks as ten to one; in Africa south of the Zambesi it is the blacks who are ten to one to the whites” (5495). Myns insiens verduidelik dit heel moontlik waarom Amerika steeds welvarend is en Suid-Afrika nooit daardie hoogtes van sukses en voorspoed bereik het nie en sedert 1994 drasties agteruitboer. “In point of natural capacity and force of character the Bantu races are at least equal, probably superior, to the negroes brought from Africa to North America, most of whom seem to have come from the Guinea coasts. But in point of education and in habits of industry the American negroes are far ahead of the South African; for the latter have not been subjected to the industrial training of nearly two centuries of plantation life or domestic service,* while comparatively few have had any industrial contact with white workman, or any stimulation like that which the grant of the suffrage after the War of Secession [American Civil War, 1861-1865] has exercised upon a large section of the American negroes” (5502). “In both countries we see two races in very different stages of civilisation dwelling side by side, yet not mingling nor likely to mingle” (5508). [* Dit is een van die voordele van slawerny. Die swartes in Suidelike Afrika was nooit slawe nie.]

Bryce skryf hierdie profetiese woorde: “No traveller can study the colour problem in South Africa without anxiety – anxiety, not for the present, but for the future” (5515). Dit is onwaarskynlik dat selfs die grootste pessimis of die grootste veragter van die Afrikanerdom kon voorsien dat ‘n groepie blanke Afrikaanssprekendes ná verloop van minder as ‘n eeu, sedert die publikasie van Bryce se boek, feitlik ongekwalifiseerd aan die eise van swart mag sou toegee. Bryce voorspel ook: “Probably in the long run English will prevail and become the common speech of the southern half of the continent” (5530). Dit is besig om te gebeur vanweë die 1990/94-dwaasheid waarvolgens die politieke mag aan die terroristiese SWAPO en ANC toevertrou is. Vóór 1990 was Afrikaans die algemene spreektaal in sowel Suid-Afrika as Namibië en was Afrikaans in ‘n uitstekende posisie om die enigste amptelike taal in albei lande te word. Die bevolking, met Engels as spreektaal, “will form to a far greater extent than now a homogeneous mass pervaded by the same ideas and customs” (5530). Engels-eentaligheid is deel van die gelyk- en eendersmakingsproses van SWAPO en die ANC waarin Afrikaners en Afrikaans eintlik geen plek gegun word nie.

Vervolgens weerspreek Bryce hom egter oor homogenisering. “While thus constituting one vast black community, they will probably remain as sharply marked off from the whites as they are today. That there will be no intermarriage may safely be assumed from the fact that mixture of blood has greatly diminished since the days of slavery, just as it has diminished in the Southern States of America. White opinion universally condemns it, and rightly, for as things are now the white race would lose more by the admixture than the coloured race would gain” (5530). Bryce kon onmoontlik voorsien het dat die hoofstroom Afrikaanse inligtingsmedia, oftewel Naspers/Media24, binne ‘n eeu geen steen onaangeroerd sou laat om interrassige huwelike, asook sodanige seksuele verhoudings, aan te moedig en te verheerlik nie. Dieselfde word in die geval van selfdegeslaghuwelike en -verhoudings gedoen; verskynsels wat in Bryce se tyd nie geduld is nie.

Bryce voorspel voorts: “The Kafirs will be far more generally educated than they are now, and will have developed a much higher intelligence. That they will remain inferior to the whites in all intellectual pursuits and in most handicrafts may be concluded from American experience” (5536). “The day will arrive when South Africa will see itself filled by a large coloured [non-white] population, tolerably homogeneous, using the same language, having forgotten its ancient tribal feuds” (5536). “When will that day arrive? Probably not for at least a century, possibly not for two centuries” (5543). Hiervolgens het FW de Klerk se staatsmanskap ‘n eeu te vroeg sy opwagting gemaak. “Fast as the world moves in our time, it must take several generations to develop a race so backward as the Kafirs” (5543). “When, perhaps in the twenty-first century, the native population has reached the point of progress we have been imagining, the position may be for both races a grave or even a perilous one … the preponderance of numbers on the black side may make it more serious than it could be in the United States” (5550). Een van die dinge wat die koloniale owerheid dadelik ivm “this native problem” moet doen, is “keep them from flocking as a loafing proletariate into the towns” (5557). Plaaslik is instromingsbeheer en aandklokreëlings egter reeds lank gelede afgeskaf. “Could he [the average white] be got to feel more kindly toward the native, and to treat him, if not as an equal, which he is not, yet as a child, the social aspect of the problem – and it is the not least serious aspect – would be completely altered” (5564).

Bryce verwys na wat die historikus, George McCall Theal (1837-1917), oor die plaaslike sendelinge geskryf het. “They used to bring groundless or exaggerated charges against the Boer farmers, and always sided with the natives, whatever the merits of the case” (5659). Maar Bryce laat hom ook ongunstig oor die Afrikaners uit. Hulle is glo “slow” [slapgat?] (5687) en “suspicious” (5693). “The women are usually ill-educated and often unattractive … That love of cleanliness for which their kinsfolk in Holland are famous has vanished under the conditions of a settler’s life and the practice of using negro servants, and they are now apt to be slatternly” (5693). “The [white] population is so extremely thin, the towns so few and so small, that it is not surprising that a people who came out from the least educated strata of society in Holland should, under the difficult conditions of a settler’s life, have remained at a low level of mental culture” (5699).

Die plaaslike Britte was anders, glo beter, as die Afrikaners. “They have more enterprise than the Dutch, and are much less antiquated in their ideas” (5706). “Partly from their desire to be unlike the Dutch, they have remained markedly English, both in their speech, in their ideas, and, so far as the differences of climate permit, in their way of life. Nevertheless, they have been affected by the Dutch. They have taken from the latter the aversion to field labour, the contempt for the blacks, the tendency to prefer large pastoral farms to agriculture, and, in some districts, a rather sleepy and easy-going temperament” (5706). “The Englishman will deride the slowness of the Dutchman, the Dutchman may distrust the adroitness or fear the activity of the Englishman” (5719).

Oorafhanklikheid van swart arbeid is inderdaad een van die groot struikelblokke wat in die pad van ‘n Afrikaner-tuisland staan. Ons sal moet leer om alles self te doen, self handearbeid te verrig, dus ook in daardie opsig onafhanklik te wees. Oor plaaslike arbeid skryf Bryce: “Labour is neither cheap nor good” (6622). “In South Africa skilled labour is dear because scarce, and unskilled labour is dear because bad … black labour is seldom effective labour … they [blacks] are often changeable and unstable, apt to forsake their employment for some trifling cause … a white labourer at twice the price would, for most kinds of work, be cheaper” (6542).

“Severed from Europe and its influences two hundred years ago, they [the Transvaal Boers] have, in some of the elements of modern civilisation, gone back rather than forward” (6030). “Living in the open air, and mostly in the saddle, they are strangely ignorant and old fashioned in all their ideas … They dislike and despise the Kafirs” (6037). “They hate the English also, who are to them the hereditary enemies that conquered them at the Cape; that drove them out into the wilderness in 1838; that annexed their Republic in 1877, and thereafter broke the promises of self-government made at the time of the annexation; that stopped their expansion on the west by occupying Bechuanaland, and on the north by occupying Matabililand and Mashonaland; and that were still, as they believe, plotting to find some pretext for overthrowing their independence. This hatred is mingled with a contempt for those whom they defeated at Laing’s Nek and Majuba Hill, and with a fear born of the sense that the English are their superiors in knowledge, in activity, and in statecraft. It is always hard for a nation to see the good qualities of its rivals and the strong points of its opponents’ case; but with the Boers the difficulty is all the greater because they know little or nothing of the modern world and of international politics” (6042).

“Two centuries of solitary pastoral life have not only given them [the Transvaal Boers] an aversion for commerce, for industrial pursuits, and for finance, but an absolute incapacity for such occupations, so that when gold was discovered in their country, they did not even attempt to work it … the corruption of their Legislature shows that it is rather to the absence of temptation than to any superior strength of moral principle that these merits have been due. For politics they have little taste or gift” (6050). Oor die Transvaalse Grondwet skryf Bryce: “Enacted in 1858 and partly based on a prior draft of 1855. it is a very crude, and indeed rude, instrument, occasionally obscure, and containing much matter not fit for a constitution” (6084). “In 1881, when the Republic recovered its independence, there were neither roads, railways, nor telegraphs in the country. Its towns were rough hamlets planted round a little church. Its people had only the bare necessaries of life” (6098).

Bryce keer terug na die taalkwessie. “The hold of Dutch [Afrikaans] is so strong that it will probably continue to be spoken in the Colony for two generations at least” (5733). Die plaaslike Nederlands “adopted many Kafir or Hottentot words, and having become vulgarized into a dialect called Taal, which is almost incapable of expressing abstract thought or being a vehicle for any ideas beyond those of daily life … This defect might give English a great advantage if the Boers wished to express abstract ideas. But they have not this wish, for they have no abstract ideas to express. They are a people who live in the concrete” (5740). Volgens Bryce is daar net drie plaaslike skrywers wat vermelding verdien: Robert Pringle, Olive Schreiner en William Charles Scully,” die outeur van Kafir tales (5777). Al drie is Engels. “The Dutch section is practically disqualified by its language (which, be it remembered, is not the language of Holland, but a debased dialect) from literary composition, even were it otherwise disposed to authorship. Literature will always, I think, remain English in character, bearing few or no traces of the Dutch element in the people” (5784).

Bryce verwys na iets wat hy sekerlik sou toeskryf aan die voortreflike voorbeeld wat die Britte stel: “The high level of decorum maintained in the Cape Parlement, where scenes of disorder are, I believe, unknown, and violent language is rare” (5753). Sedert 1994 het die situasie in die parlement in hierdie opsigte ingrypend verander. “I heard of little or nothing amounting to corruption. Elections were said to be free from bribery” (5999). Sedert 1994 het die situasie in hierdie opsigte ook radikaal verander.”The suffrage [in Cape Colony] is so wide as to admit nearly all the whites, and there is, of course, no desire to go lower and admit more blacks” (5932). Politieke kwessies “turn not, as in the Southern States of America, upon the political rights of the black man (for on this subject the ruling whites are in both Colonies [Cape and Natal] unanimous, but upon land rights and the regulation of native labour … One cannot say that there exist pro-native or anti-native parties, but the Dutch are by tradition more disposed than the English to treat the native severely, and, as they express it, keep him in his place. Many Englishmen share the Dutch feeling, yet it is always by Englishmen that the advocacy of the native case is undertaken” (5946).

“The rapid increase of Indian immigrants in that Colony [Natal] alarmed the whites, and led to the passing, in 1896, of an Act which will practically debar these immigrants from political rights” (5441). “In Natal both races [English and Afrikaans whites] are equally anti-Indian” (5946). Nog iets wat Bryce oor Natal skryf, is: “The south-coast Kafirs far outnumbered the whites, were full of courage, had a rough and thickly wooded country to defend, and were so ignorant as never to know when they were beaten. A more intelligent race might have sooner abandoned the contest” (6740).

In anti-Afrikaner geledere word die Voortrekkers dikwels kwalik geneem omdat hulle met die oog op selfbehoud laer getrek het. Deesdae is die oproep uit dieselfde oord “ontlaering” (gebruik in hierdie verband die soekfunksie op LitNet), dus dat die Afrikanerdom in sy swernoot moet gaan. Bryce doen dieselfde. Hy verkwalik die Transvaal omdat die vereistes vir burgerskap na die ontdekking van goud strenger gemaak is. Maar die Transvaal is in ‘n kort tyd deur Uitlanders verswelg, soortgelyk aan die versnelde verswelging deur inkommers waarmee ons sedert 1994 te make het. “There are about 65 000 Boers, all told, and about 24 000 male citizens over the age of sixteen. The … Uitlanders numbered nearly 100 000, of whom fully one-half were adult males” (6211). “Over against the Uitlanders stood the native Boer population … The majority, consisting of the old ‘true blues’, who hated the British Government and clung to their national ways, supported the Boer Government in its stubborn refusal to grant reforms” (6218). Oor Paul Kruger skryf Bryce: “Exercising by his constant harangues in the Volksraad, what has been called a ‘dictatorship of persuasion’, he warned the people that their customs, their freedom, their religion, were at stake, and could be saved only by keeping the newcomers out of power” (6225). “It was the Government of a small and ignorant minority, and, since they [the Uitlanders] believed it to be corrupt as well as incompetent, it inspired no respect” (6299).

In sy laaste hoofstuk skryf Bryce: “There has been a collision of two types of civilisation, one belonging to the nineteenth century, the other to the seventeenth. His isolation, not only in a distant corner of the southern hemisphere, but in the great, wide, bare veldt over which his flocks and herds roam, has kept the Boer fast bound in the ideas and habits op a past age, and he shrinks from the contact of the keen restless modern man, with new arts of gain and new forms of pleasure” (6693). Bryce het darem ook tot die volgende insig gekom: “An Afrikander patriotism of their own – a patriotism which is not Dutch, for they care nothing for the traditions of Holland, but purely Africander” (6700).* “On the other hand, the English of the Colony … have remained more thoroughly English than those of most British Colonies, and have never conceived the idea of severing their own connection with the mother country” (6713). By die Boere is daar “the wish to be left alone, and a stubborness of will that made independence seem more desirable the more it was threatened” (6719). Maar nóg die Britte nóg die swartes wou die Afrikaners met rus laat. Nie-Afrikaners, deesdae insluitende verloopte Afrikaners, gaan voort om hulle wense aan Afrikaners op te dring. [* Bryce weerspreek baie van wat hy geskryf het, wanneer hy teen die einde verklaar: “Those of Dutch origin, warm as is their Africander patriotism, have never been hostile to the British Crown” (6993).]

Die laaste toekomsblik wat Bryce hom veroorloof, het ook die kol gemis. “There is, of course the danger that a class may spring up composed of men unfit for the higher kinds of work [blacks?], and yet too lazy or too proud to work with their hands [Afrikaners?]; and some observers already discover signs of the appearance of such a class. If its growth can be averted the conditions for the progress and happiness of the white race in South Africa seem favourable; and we are approaching an age of the world when the quality of a population will be more important than its quantity” (6858). Sedert 1994 troon die voorkeur vir kwantiteit egter loshande bo kwaliteit uit.

Bryce vertolk die voorafgaande egter as ‘n toekoms wat gunstig vir die Britte gaan verloop. “The English-speaking element will, if the mining industry continues to thrive, become politically as well as economically supreme … A country must, after all, take its character from the large majority of its inhabitants, especially when those who form that large majority are the wealthiest, most educated, and most enterprising part of the population” (6913). Hy droom van ‘n onafhanklike “Anglo-Dutch Republic” (6967), “though under the protection and dignified by the traditions of an ancient and famous monarchy. Nor has it been fully realized that the Colonies derive even greater substantial advantages from the connection than does the mother country. The mother country profits perhaps [!] to some extent – though this is doubtful [!] – in respect of trade, but chiefly in the sentiment of pride and the consciousness of a great mission in the world which the possession of these vast territories, scattered over the oceans, naturally and properly inspires” (6973).

Heroes of the Boer War

Frederik Rompel (1870-1940) was ‘n Volkstem-joernalis en ‘n oorlogskorrespondent tydens die ABO. Hy het eerstehands met die leidende figure van albei partye kennis gemaak. Van hom is die volgende boek gepubliseer: Heroes of the Boer War (Nederland Publishing Company, 1903, 242p; Amazon Kindle R2,29). Die Kindle-weergawe is hoogs onvolmaak, maar teen die prys steeds die moeite werd om te lees.

Ná die stigting van De Burger in 1915 is DF Malan as die eerste redakteur aangestel. Malan het veral die hoofartikels geskryf en hom nie met die ander joernaliste en die produksie van die koerant bemoei nie. Hy het hom spoedig eerder “aan sy parlementêre loopbaan gewy en sy kantoor by De Burger het meestal leeggestaan. Die publiek was egter salig onbewus van die feit dat die meeste van De Burger se hoofartikels nou geskryf is deur die tegniese redakteur, Frederik Rompel – ‘n Nederlandse Katoliek van geboorte, met ‘n Joodse vrou wat intussen in die Afrikanergemeenskap opgeneem is. Rompel en sy kollega Louis Hiemstra [1897-1978] is in 1921 by De Burger aangestel. Saam het hulle die gehalte van die koerant verbeter” (Lindie Koorts, DF Malan en die opkoms van Afrikaner-nasionalisme, Kaapstad: Tafelberg, 2014, Kindle 3980).

Rompel se boek is die teenoorgestelde van Yves Guyot se boek (Praag 14.03.2020). Guyot het hom teen die Boere geskaar, terwyl Rompel die hoogste lof vir hulle het. Maar Rompel is nie heeltemal onkrities nie. Hy maak bv melding van die gebrek aan dissipline by sommige Boere, wat tydens die ABO na hulle huise of plase teruggekeer het wanneer dit hulle gepas het; ook die nadelige invloed wat die saamsleep van ossewaens met vroue en kinders op die oorlogsukses van die Boere gehad het. Heel aan die begin wys hy op die wydverspreide valse vertroue wat die Boere in koningin Victoria gehad het: “If your queen only knew” (Kindle 653).

In sy voorwoord skryf William Thomas Stead (1849-1912): “It is only by reading this book that we English can understand how it was that the whole non-English world regarded with horror and indignation the British devastation of the two Republics” (8). Stead noem die Britse optrede tydens die ABO inderdaad ‘n “crime against humanity” (19). Hierdie frase word deesdae teen apartheid misbruik. Verloopte Afrikaners, soos Willie Esterhuyse, Wannie Carstens, Lindie Koorts en André Bartlett (die gebruiklike verdagtes wanneer publisiteit vir hulleself ten koste van die Afrikanerdom gesoek word), het dit ANC-gedienstig onlangs weer ingevryf (Netwerk24, 23.02.2020). Wanneer bv plaasmoorde veroordeel word, skitter hierdie mense egter in hulle afwesigheid.

Ek vind dit interessant dat Stead in hierdie konteks na Andreas Hofer (1767-1810) verwys as “that indomitable Boer of the Tyrol” (28) – kyk Wikipedia. In sy inleiding vergelyk Albert Pfister die setlaars in die Nuwe Wêreld/die Amerikas met die Kaapse Hollanders: “They had not the stamina of the hardy settlers at the Cape” (151). Hulle het mettertyd as Boere die binneland in getrek. Hulle was “strong, virtuous, self-reliant” (160).

Rompel beskryf agtereenvolgend en in besonderhede die volgende Afrikanerhelde, sommige waarvan later geblyk het nie danige helde te wees nie: Paul Kruger, MT Steyn, WJ Leyds, ADW Wolmarans, Cornelis Wessels, Abraham Fischer, Schalk Willem Burger, FW Reitz, PJ (Piet) Joubert, PA (Piet) Cronjé, Louis Botha, Christiaan de Wet, JH (Koos) de la Rey, Ben Viljoen, Danie Theron, JBM Hertzog, JC (Jan) Smuts, SG Maritz, GJ (Gideon) Scheepers en PH Kritzinger.

Rompel het ook groot lof vir Afrikanervroue gehad, waaraan ‘n aparte hoofstuk gewy word. Hy haal MT Steyn soos volg aan: “Our women have gone through the fire of patriotism and not been found wanting. They will suffer patiently, if only we continue the sacred struggle for independence” (4071). Steyn word “the soul of the Africander resistance” genoem (1587). Ek volstaan met ‘n aanhaling van Christiaan de Wet: “A Boer first gets dangerous when you succeed in surrounding him” (3043). Deesdae het die plaaslike blankes met verswelging te make. Het die hedendaagse Boere/Afrikaners die murg in hulle pype om nie in hierdie onverdiende lot te berus nie, deur sorg te dra dat hulle situasie stelselmatig verbeter eerder as versleg?

Leon Lemmer: Is die Reitz-familie Boere-adel?

Wanneer die naam Reitz deesdae genoem word, word gewoonlik aan die dorp Reitz in die Oos-Vrystaat of aan die Reitz-voorval aan die Universiteit Vrystaat (UV) gedink. Die dorp is vernoem na Francis William Reitz jr wat die president van die Oranje-Vrystaat was (1889-1895). Die Reitz-voorval het in 2007 plaasgevind (maar eers later opslae gemaak) toe blanke studente in die Reitz-koshuis voorgegee het dat hulle op die kos van swart skoonmakers geürineer het. In ‘n normale samelewing sou so ‘n beuselagtigheid geen noemenswaardige aandag gekry het nie. Jonathan Jansen, wat kort na die gebeure die UV-rektor geword het (2009-2016), het hierdie voorval egter tot die uiterste ten koste van blankes uitgebuit. In sy jongste boek, As by fire: The end of the South African university (Cape Town: Tafelberg, 2017, 287p, R280; Amazon Kindle $23,34) beweer Jansen op sy kenmerkende oordrewe manier “the racist Reitz scandal” (p 199) “constituted the most serious human rights violation on a university campus in the post-apartheid period” (99) en “The Reitz incident of 2007/08 remains the event against which all subsequent racial incidents are bookmarked in all media forms” (214). Ek hoop om later in besonderhede oor Jansen se boek te skryf.

Ek het op skool met FW Reitz jr se Afrikaanse gedigte en rympies kennis gemaak. “His liedjies – or rympies, as he called them – were peppered with genial humour and homespun wisdom and won him a popular following” (Meredith, bron hier onder, p 17). Soos CJ Langenhoven (1873-1932) wou Reitz leeslus aanwakker en die gebruik en erkenning van die Afrikaanse taal bevorder. Later het ek meer inligting oor hierdie Reitz bekom en gedink hy is ‘n sprekende voorbeeld van Boere-adel. Om lid van die Boere-adel te wees, beteken om onmiskenbaar Afrikaner en boonop kultureel verhewe te wees, bv Afrikaans so suiwer moontlik te gebruik. Om hierdie rede het ek die publikasie van Martin Meredith se boek verwelkom, Afrikaner odyssey; The life and times of the Reitz family (Johannesburg: Jonathan Ball, 2017, 215p, R250; Amazon Kindle $17,10). Die outeur beskryf die Reitze as “an aristocratic Afrikaner family caught up in the tide and turmoil of war” (p xv) en “Frank Reitz was born into an aristocracy of wealthy and distinguished Cape families” (13). Daar is ‘n gedenkteken vir die Reitz-familie te Mariepskop in die Drakensberg (xvi).

Die boek handel veral oor die geskiedenis van Suid-Afrika in die tweede helfte van die 19de eeu en die eerste dekades van die 20ste eeu en by uitstek oor die Anglo-Boere-oorlog (ABO, 1899-1902). In die boek is daar drie uitstekende kaarte wat lesers help om die verloop van die ABO te volg. Die outeur het ongelukkig nie diepgaande (bv argivale) navorsing oor die Reitz-familie gedoen nie. Daar word besonderhede oor veral drie mense verskaf: Francis William Reitz sr (1810-1881); sy seun, Francis William Reitz jr (1844-1934), gewoonlik FW genoem, maar Frank in die boek en voortaan ook in hierdie skrywe om hom van sy pa te onderskei; en Frank se seun, Deneys Reitz (1882-1944).

Die anti-Britse boek, A century of wrong (1900), waarvan Jan Smuts (1870-1950) die hoofouteur is, is onder Frank se naam, FW Reitz, gepubliseer (76). Deneys het drie outobiografiese boeke gepubliseer: Commando: A Boer journal of the Boer War (1929), Trekking on (1933) en No outspan (1943). Al drie is as e-boek by Amazon teen $1,13 elk beskikbaar.

Francis William Reitz

Francis William Reitz sr (1810-1881) “was the son of a Dutch naval officer who settled in Cape Town in 1794 and married into the Cape’s Afrikaner aristocracy” (xii). Francis het in veeartsenykunde in Edinburgh studeer en hom op die plaas Rhenosterfontein by Swellendam gevestig. “In 1833, he married Cornelia Magdalena Deneys, the daughter of a Swellendam official who was related to the Van Reenens, an eminent Cape family” (13); vandaar die naam van sy kleinseun, Deneys. In 1854 het Francis ‘n lid van die eerste Kaapse parlement geword. Dit is duidelik dat hy sosiale aansien geniet het. Uit sy en sy kinders se name is die invloed van verengelsing egter duidelik, bv Frank se suster se naam is Frances (47).

Frank Reitz

Frank Reitz (1844-1934) het in die regte in Londen studeer. Hy het dit moeilik gevind om as regsgeleerde ‘n bestaan in die Kaapkolonie te maak. “At home, Frank had been accustomed to conversing in English and Afrikaans, but not Dutch” (17). “In his spare time, he experimented with writing in Afrikaans, a colloquial language commonly used among Boer farming communities throughout southern Africa that had only just begun to appear in print form” (16). Louis Henri Meurant (1811-1893) se boek, Zamenspraak tusschen Klaas Waarzegger en Jan Twyfelaar (1861), was die eerste boek wat in Afrikaans gepubliseer is. Engels was die enigste amptelike taal in die Kaapkolonie (17). In 1873 het Frank die parlementslid vir Beaufort-Wes geword. In 1874 “he married Blanca Thesen, the 19-year-old daughter of an immigrant family from Norway” (18). Blanca se broer, Charles (1856-1940), het ‘n groot rol in die hout- en skeepvaartbedryf in Knysna gespeel.

Frank het op jeugdige leeftyd die hoofregter in die Oranje-Vrystaat geword (1874-1889). In die Vrystaat “Dutch was chosen as the official language of the Volksraad” (8). Frank het hierna die Vrystaatse president (1889-1895) geword. As president “[he] advocated much closer collaboration with the Transvaal. ‘We are sprung from the same blood and have the same language and religion, the same love of freedom'” (46). In 1899 het Frank met Paul Kruger (1825-1904), die Transvaalse president (1883-1900), ‘n “‘defensive alliance’ against foreign aggression” gesluit (46). “A political treaty they signed spoke of their long-term aim of establishing a ‘federal union’ between the Free State and Transvaal. Reitz regarded a federal union between the two Boer republics as being part of the process of constructing an independent union of all states of southern Africa” (46-47).

Weens swak gesondheid het Frank as president uitgetree. Hy is opgevolg deur Marthinus Theunis Steyn (1857-1916). Steyn het die verdedigingsverdrag met Kruger hernu en hulle het die ideaal van ‘n federasie herbevestig. Steyn het gesê: “We have the same people, the same history, the same language, and the same form of government” (60). Hierdie ooreenkoms het ‘n deurslaggewende rol tydens die ABO gespeel. Jan Hendrik Hofmeyr (Onze Jan, 1845-1909), leier van die Afrikanerbond in die Kaapkolonie, het egter gesê: “You can rely on our sympathy, but do not expect any help from the Cape Afrikaners in case of war” (77).

Hierteenoor, tydens die ABO, “even British officials acknowledged that half of the Colony’s white population was ‘more-or-less’ pro-Boer and that the greater part of the colony was ‘in a half suppressed state of secret rebellion'” (152). In die praktyk was dit egter moeilik om Kaapse Afrikaners vir aktiewe diens aan Boerekant te werf. “Smuts admitted that it had been more difficult to recruit Cape rebels to the Boer cause than he had expected” (166). Volgens Smuts “the total number of colonial citizens who had joined the Boer cause was no more than 3 000. (In fact, the number was probably about 6 000, out of an Afrikaner population of 260 000)” (174). Na afloop van die oorlog die Kaapse rebelle “were disenfranchised for five years” (175).Van Duitsland en Frankryk sou geen amptelike hulp vir die Boere kom nie.

In 1898 het Frank die staatsekretaris van die Zuid-Afrikaansche Republiek/Transvaal geword. Hy was tweede in bevel, na die president, Paul Kruger. Dit was Reitz “who presented Britain with the ultimatum that led to the outbreak of war in October 1899. After the fall of Pretoria in 1900, when Kruger departed for exile in Europe, Reitz was left in charge of the Boer republic’s administration, relocating the seat of government 62 times, as British commanders tried to hunt him down” (xiii-xiv; ook 127).

Frank het sewe seuns en ‘n dogter by Blanca gehad, maar drie van hulle is vroeg dood. “Of the five surviving sons, Hjalmar, named after a Norwegian uncle, was born in 1877; Joubert, named after a renowned Transvaal general, was born in 1880; Deneys, in 1882; Arnt Leonard (Atie), in 1883; and Johannes (Jack), in 1887” (35-36). Jack was te jonk vir deelname aan die ABO, maar die ander vier het dwarsdeur die oorlog geveg of totdat hulle gevange geneem is. Byvoorbeeld, Joubert is as banneling na Bermuda gestuur. Al vier het die ABO oorleef. Daar is by Frank ‘n duidelike neiging weg van Engelse name vir sy kinders.

Frank se vrou, Blanca, het in 1887 gesterf. In 1889 het hy met Cornelia Mulder getrou, wat die lewe aan sewe kinders geskenk het. Sy en haar kinders het gedurende die ABO veiligheidshalwe in ballingskap in Nederland gewoon. “At home, the Reitz family spoke both English and Afrikaans. But Frank Reitz had become increasingly preoccupied with promoting the use of Afrikaans. He gave his support to Stephanus [SJ] du Toit’s (1847-1911) Genootskap van Regte Afrikaners [established in Paarl in 1875] and contributed enthusiastically to his newspaper” (37), Die Afrikaanse Patriot (1876-1904).

Frank was ‘n voorstander van die plan om die Witwatersrandse goudmyne met dinamiet op te blaas sodat hulle nie in Britse hande val nie, maar Paul Kruger “believed that the mere threat of destroying the mines would be enough to persuade shareholders in France, Germany and other European states to put pressure on their governments to assist the Transvaal in resisting a British invasion” (118). Louis Botha (1862-1919) was ook heftig teen die sabotering van die goudmyne gekant en het gedreig dat “he and his commandos would cease fighting and fall back on Johannesburg to protect it [the mines] themselves against such dastardly attempts” (119). Daar is toe van die sabotasieplan afgesien.

Lank voordat Vrystaters soos MT Steyn en Christiaan de Wet (1854-1922) bereid was om oor vrede te onderhandel, het Transvalers soos Louis Botha en Jan Smuts ‘n wapenstilstand begeer. “As state secretary, Reitz, although personally in favour of keeping up the fight to the bitter end, was deputed to send to President Steyn an official letter setting out proposals for an armistice. Smuts also sent Steyn a private letter stating that it might be advantageous to sue for peace now and rebel at a later stage when Britain was preoccupied elsewhere” (149).

Hierin lê die kiem van die Rebellie van 1914 toe De Wet en andere teen Britse gesag in opstand gekom het en Smuts en Botha hulle (nie sonder ironie nie) aan die Britse kant geskaar het. Steyn het tydens die ABO op die Transvaalse voorstelle geantwoord dat “the Free State would reject any proposals for an armistice and would fight on. If the Transvalers were to surrender, deserting the Free State, then it would deal a death blow to the whole of the Afrikaner nation. For the nation to survive, said Steyn, ‘we must demonstrate that now through our perseverance and strength to fight and suffer'” (149).

Frank wou glad nie sonder meer oorgee nie. In Vereeniging Frank “suggested a compromise. He proposed that, provided the republics could keep their independence, they should then be prepared to surrender control of foreign relations, agree to internal self-government under British auspices and give up the Witwatersrand and its goldfields” (174). Die Britte was nie hiervoor te vinde nie. Tydens die vredesonderhandelinge van die Boere met die Britte in Melrose House, Pretoria, in April 1902, “Frank was chosen to act as interpreter between the two sides” (170). Terug in Vereeniging op 31 Mei 1902 is gestem oor die Britse vredesvoorwaardes. “54 delegates agreed to surrender; six voted ‘no'” (177).

Oor die ondertekening van die vredesverdrag in Melrose House skryf Meredith: “Although he [Frank] signed the 1902 peace agreement in his official capacity as state secretary of the Transvaal, he refused to accept its terms as a private individual and went into exile” (xiv; ook 178). In Julie 1902 is hy na sy vrou en kinders in Nederland “rather than submit to British rule” (178). Van Nederland is hy na Amerika “to give lectures on the war” (183). Na 6 maande het hy na Nederland teruggekeer. “Encouraged by Smuts and Botha, Frank Reitz decided to return to South Africa in 1907 … he and his wife settled in Sea Point, in Cape Town” (190). Nadat Botha en Smuts se Suid-Afrikaanse Party met sy versoeningsbeleid die 1910-verkiesing gewen het, is Frank tot president van die Senaat verkies.

Deneys Reitz

Deneys Reitz (1882-1944) het pas ingenieurswese in Pretoria begin studeer toe hy in 1899 as 17-jarige by die Boeremagte aangesluit en tot die bittereinde geveg het. Hy het te midde van groot ontbering saam met Smuts guerrilla-oorlogvoering in die Kaapkolonie onderneem. Smuts het hom saamgeneem na die vredesonderhandelinge in Vereeniging in 1902. Deneys was verbaas om op te let hoe verwaarloos en uitgemergel die Boerekrygers was. “Their spirit was undaunted, but they had reached the limits of physical endurance” (172).

Oor die aanvaarding van die Britse voorwaardes op 31 Mei 1902 skryf Deneys: “When the final moment dawned, when it was announced that our land and freedom were lost, it was a bitter cup to drain. In the tents, grown men were sobbing like children. Weather-beaten faces which had looked undaunted on the greatest dangers, streamed with hot tears of sorrow. These men who had stood with dry eyes at the graves of friends and sons and fathers now wept bitterly at the grave of their freedom. In truth it was a bitter hour” (178).

Na die ABO is Deneys en Atie via Europa na Madagaskar. Albei het spoedig malaria opgedoen, gevolglik is Atie gou daar weg. Deneys het transport gery en sy herinneringe aan die ABO begin skryf. Maar “[he] longed for his homeland. A letter he received from Isie Smuts [1870-1954], the wife of Jan Smuts, urging him to return, quickened his resolve to leave. If General Smuts was prepared to live under British rule, wrote Isie, then he should be too” (186). Deneys het van die hoofstad, Antananarivo, tot by die kusdorp Tamatave geloop. Vandaar het hy per skip na Delagoabaai gereis terwyl hy as brandweerman diens gedoen het. Van Delagoabaai het hy per trein na Pretoria gereis. “Delirious with malaria, he promptly collapsed unconscious on the platform of the railway station. When he awoke, he found himself in the Sunnyside residence of General Smuts” (187). “He became an integral part of the Smuts household, staying with them in Sunnyside for three years” (191). Deneys het hom in die regte bekwaam en in 1906 ‘n praktyk in Heilbron begin. Die Vrystaatse dorp Deneysville is na Deneys Reitz vernoem.

Ná Uniewording in 1910

Meredith skryf oor die ABO: “The war … left Afrikanerdom and the Reitz family itself deeply divided over how to confront the reality of Britain’s imperial power” (xii). Ná die 1914-rebellie en die stigting van die Nasionale Party in 1915 het Afrikaners se politieke lojaliteit in pro-Brits en pro-Boer verdeel. Frank en sy oudste seun, Hjalmar, het by die Nasionale Party (Natte) aangesluit terwyl Deneys as Smuts-lojalis lid van die Suid-Afrikaanse Party (Sappe) gebly en gehelp het om die Rebellie te onderdruk. Daarna het Deneys in die buiteland in die Eerste Wêreldoorlog (1914-1918) diens gedoen.

In 1919 het Barry Hertzog (1866-1942) ‘n afvaardiging na die Paryse vredeskongres gelei met die oog op die propagering van ‘n republiek vir Suid-Afrika. Hjalmar was een van die afgevaardigdes. Aan Frank as president van die Senaat is gevolglik gevra waar sy simpatie lê. Hy het onomwonde geantwoord: “I am still a Republican at heart” (201). In 1920 is Frank nie herkies tot president van die Senaat nie. Met die steun van die Nasionale Party het hy egter tot 1929 as senator aangebly.

Deneys het in 1919 ‘n Sap-parlementslid geword en in 1921 ‘n minister in Smuts se kabinet. Sy veroordeling van Afrikanernasionalisme en selfs Afrikaans was veel hewiger as dié van Smuts. Deneys het met Leila Wright (1887-1959) getrou. In 1942 toe hy die adjunk van eerste minister Smuts was, het Deneys uit die politiek getree. Hierna het hy die Suid-Afrikaanse hoëkommissaris in Londen geword, waar hy twee jaar later gesterf het.

Slot

Meredith belig drie Reitz-geslagte. Francis het blykbaar tydens die Britse bewind (in ‘n mate) verengels. Frank, daarenteen, het vroeg ‘n pro-Afrikaanse en in die Boere-republieke ‘n sterk pro-Boer-gesindheid geopenbaar. Na die ABO het Deneys, veral vanweë sy vriendskap met Smuts, verkies om sterk pro-Brits te wees. In ‘n sin was al drie ‘n produk van hulle tyd en omstandighede.

Oor Hjalmar is te min aan my bekend om ‘n oordeel te vel. Wat die ander Reitze betref, lyk dit asof by uitstek Frank as ‘n lid van die Boere-adel beskou kan word. Hy het Afrikaans bevorder, die Boere probeer verenig, verseg om aan die Britte oor te gee en selfs uit eie beweging in ballingskap gegaan. Na 1910 het hy hom opnuut by die Afrikaners geskaar en die republikeinse ideaal bly koester.

Nadat die Boere alles in hulle vermoë gedoen het om te voorkom dat die ABO uitbreek, het Abraham Fischer [1850-1913], die Vrystaatse staatsekretaris, aan Onze Jan Hofmeyr geskryf: “We have honestly done our best, and can do no more: if we are to lose our independence … we did not sacrifice it dishonourably” (82-83). Dit is wáár van die Boere van weleer, veral van die ABO-bittereinders en die 1914-Rebelle. Van die gevolge van die ABO het die Afrikaners mettertyd herstel. Maar kan ‘n mens sê dat die roemlose oorgawe aan swart mag in 1990/94 naasteby eerbaar was? Kan ‘n mens beweer of realisties hoop dat die skade wat die blankedom en veral die Afrikanerdom deur FW de Klerk en sy meelopers aangedoen is ooit herstel gaan word? As Afrikanerrestourasie nie plaasvind nie is die letterlike waarheid dat hierdie groepie verlooptes Afrikanervolksmoord gepleeg het.

Onmiddelik nadat Frank die Vereeniging-vredesverdrag in sy amptelike hoedanigheid (maar nie in sy persoonlike hoedanigheid nie) onderteken het, het hy “na ‘n hoek geloop en in trane uitgebars” (JC Steyn, Afrikanerjoernaal, Pretoria: FAK, 2016, p 238). Dit is tekenend van hoe magsoorgawe aan die Britte in 1902 deur die Boere/Afrikanerleiers ervaar is. Hulle het diepe verantwoordelik vir die lot van hulle mede-Afrikaners gevoel. Vergelyk dit met die selftevrede gespog van die groepie Afrikaanssprekende blankes wat in 1990/94 die politieke mag mandaadloos aan die swartes oorgedra het. Myns insiens was en is hierdie individue toonbeelde van gewetenlose, ongegronde selfvoldaanheid.

Skynbaar bly hierdie groepie verloopte Afrikaners oortuig dat hulle só uitsonderlik gepresteer het dat hulle vereer moet word. Hulle het glo ‘n burgeroorlog voorkom. Daar is blykbaar geen werklike besef van die mate waarin hulle die onderhandelinge verbrou het nie. Die gelag moet deur die huidige en toekomstige geslagte blankes betaal word; dus diegene wat nie van die onverkwiklike situasie in die nuwe Suid-Afrika kan ontsnap nie.

Volgens Edmund Burke (1729-1797) het politici ‘n dure drieledige plig teenoor hulle samelewing en kultuur, naamlik teenoor die vorige, huidige en toekomstige geslagte. Wat sou Boere soos Frank Reitz en Christiaan de Wet gedink het van die “onderhandelaars” (eintlik instemmers/beamers/akkoordganers) wat so maklik en ongevraagd namens alle Afrikaners boedel oorgegee het? Wat behoort huidige egte Afrikaners na verloop van meer as twee dekades in die nuwe Suid-Afrika van hierdie verlooptes te dink? Wat gaan toekomstige Afrikaners wat hulle kulturele kern probeer behou terugskouend van daardie verlooptes dink?

Geleidelik het die omvang van die 1990/94-verraad duidelik geword. Hoe durf hierdie groepie verlooptes veronderstel dat Afrikaners vir die ondergang van ons eertydse vaderland dankbaar moet wees? Dit is heeltemal onrealisties om van Afrikaners te verwag dat hulle die ydele hoop moet bly koester dat hulle gelukkig en voorspoedig in die nuwe Suid-Afrika kan wees. Hulle regverdigbare bitterheid behoort hedendaagse Boere-adel aan te spoor om ‘n beter grondslag vir die toekoms van ons mede-Afrikaners en ons nageslagte te skep – as dit enigsins moontlik is.