Freedom of expression in Spain

The first sentence given in Spain for the crime of genocide apology will also be the last. Moreover, it will be revoked. The Constitutional Tribunal decided yesterday to decriminalise a presumption that was included in the reform of the Penal Code of 1996. Article 607.2 anticipates punishments of up to two years in jail for whoever, "by any means" diffuses "ideas or doctrines that deny or justify" the Holocaust.

With that legislation, a Barcelona court [Juzgado Penal Nº 3, Judge Santiago Vidal] sentenced a librarian [Pedro Varela] in this city in 1998 who distributed and commercialised pro Nazi books and videos. Against the prosecution’s criteria, the Catalonian Court of Appeal [Audiencia Provincial, three judges] posed the question of unconstitutionality, when considering that the referenced article limits a fundamental right, the right to freedom of expression, since it punishes the diffusion of ideas "without demanding any other element, such as affronts, or inciting to attack groups."

We are, undoubtedly, before a correct decision of the Constitutional Court that reinforces our system of guarantees. Because, no matter how odious the ideas that justify genocide may appear to us, a free society cannot deny their right of freedom of expression, unless it includes inciting to violence. The opposite would be to reinstate the crime of opinion.

We expressed ourselves in that respect on the occasion of the closing of Egin, the pro Eta newspaper. Without talking of the dangers of establishing limits to the freedom of expression: others will always be able to use the precedent. It is yet very much alive, for example, the case of the Mohammed vignettes, that the Islamic collectives have not hesitated in trying to censor. Where are the limits established? It will always be preferable to voice the most polemic opinions rather than exercise censorship. Even more so when society has lots of means within its reach to refute them by confronting them with reality.

Pedro Varela in handcuffs then for selling books containing the truth about Auschwitz and the Jewish holocaust-tales.

On November 7, 2007 Spain’s Constitutional Court ruled on the case of Pedro Varela, the well known Spanish human rights activist and publisher. Pedro Varela was sentenced initially (Nov. 16, 1998) to five years in prison by a Barcelona court for selling books that were considered to contain articles of racehate and holocaust-denial. In fact, they were books that disputed certain aspect of the modern holocaust dogma. On April 30, 1999, the highest appeal court of Catalonia overturned the verdict and denounced the original verdict, as well as the law the verdict was based on, (article 607.2 Spanish penal code) as illegal. Three judges came to the unanimous conclusion that such a law is violating human rights by depriving every individual from his or her basic human rights (UN-Charter, Article 19).

The Spanish Constitutional Court now confirmed the ruling of the Catalonial Appeal-Court and abolished Spain’s "holocaust-denial-law" because it deprives people from their right to freely express their opinions. This ruling by the highest judges of Spain is a blow to Holocaust-Germany that had used all her resources and powers to form a thought-crime-alliance in Europe. Holocaust-Germany’s intention was to throw everyone in prison who objects to holocaust-lies. It seems that Germany’s fiendish alliance is now starting to crumble. Will this be the beginning of the end of Germany’s and Israel’s world-terror-politics? Will freedom come again for mankind?

 
{translated from Spanish] 

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Bush-Merkel span globe in talks

Bush’s two-day meeting with Merkel, which began Friday at his Texas ranch, came just a few days after Bush met with French President Nicolas Sarkozy.

The meetings marked new chapters in U.S. relations with both nations, which were bruised by sparring that Merkel and Sarkozy’s predecessors – Gerhard Schroeder and Jacques Chirac – had with Bush over the U.S.-led invasion of Iraq.

Bush donned a tuxedo for the elegant White House dinner he hosted for Sarkozy, known in France as "Sarko the American." He wore blue jeans to welcome Merkel to his dusty ranch.

"In Texas, when you invite somebody to your home it’s an expression of warmth and respect, and that’s how I feel about Chancellor Merkel," Bush said, standing at a helipad on the ranch where Merkel landed.

Looking out at the grassy prairie, Merkel, through a translator, replied: "Already a first glance of the area shows us that this is, indeed, a wonderful place to be and a wonderful atmosphere. We have a number of issues that I think we will have now time to discuss."

Their weekend discussions will be dominated by Tehran’s decision to defy international demands to halt its uranium enrichment program.

U.S. officials claim Russia and China – two of the five permanent members of the U.N. Security Council – are blocking the U.N. from moving quickly toward a third set of sanctions against Tehran. Merkel will urge Bush to be patient and let the current diplomatic efforts play out.

The view from Berlin is that the U.S. and Europe cannot afford to split with Russia because Moscow is needed to help solve other international problems as well, especially with Russia’s parliamentary elections approaching in December, Russian President Vladimir Putin’s stepping down as president in May, the U.S.-Russia dispute over missile defense unresolved and talk of enlarging NATO. Russia has expressed concern over NATO’s possible farther eastward expansion to include some ex-Soviet states.

Being aligned with Bush carries some political risk for both Sarkozy and Merkel, given the president’s unpopularity in Europe. In the past, the German leader has mitigated the effects of Bush’s unpopularity by publicly airing some disagreements, such as her belief that the U.S. detention facility at Guantanamo Bay, Cuba, for terrorist suspects be shuttered.

On Afghanistan, Merkel wants to stress to Bush and the American people that Germany will honor its commitments on international crises, and is willing to shoulder even greater responsibilities. Bush, meanwhile, has backed off his criticism of allies in Germany and elsewhere that are not sending their troops to fight in the country’s more dangerous south.

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Illusie van Afrikaners in die NSA

Deel van die Afrikaner vandag se frustrasie is te wyte aan 'n onrealistiese verwagting in die NSA. Waaroor kla Afrikaners? Gebrek aan veiligheid is sekerlik die grootste bekommernis vir menige Afrikaner en veral plaasboere. Tog word daar uitgelig dat swart mense net soveel deurloop onder die  geweld. Die  verskil lê by die verwagtinge  onder  Afrikaners en blankes in die algemeen. Die Afrikaner onthou nog die ou Suid-Afrika waar 'n mens veilig was, ten minste buite die plakkerskampe en swart stede. Die geweld waarmee swart Suid Afrika nog altyd saamleef (so word ek vertel) het nou net oorgespoel na blank Suid-Afrika toe. Waarom sou ons dan op 'n veiliger omgewing aandring as dié in die gemiddelde swart stad? Die antwoord is omdat ons beter gewoond is en dus hoër verwagtinge koester. Is dit egter realisties in 'n NSA waar 'n Afrika-regering in al sy glorie die septer swaai? As die meerderheid tevrede is met hulle regering, wie is 'n klein minderheid dan om te kla!
Afrikaners verkeer onder 'n grootheidswaan en beoordeel hulle posisie vanuit die vorige Afrikaner-ryk waar hulle as 'n klein minderheid oor al die ander bevolkingsgroepe geregeer het. Hulle glo nog nie ten volle dat die NSA nie eintlik meer om die Afrikaner wentel nie. Die laaste Afrikanersimbool nl. Springbokrugby kom nou ook finaal onder die mes. Ek beskou die situasie simplisties soos volg: Toe ek die weermag was, was ons so ongeveer  twee en 'n half miljoen Afrikaners. Ek skat ongeveer 'n miljoen is tans in die buiteland. Uit die oorgeblewe een en 'n half miljoen skat ek so vyftig  persent rondom aftree-ouderdom en ouer. Dit laat ons met 750 000 waarvan kom ons sê vyftig persent op skool is. Dit laat ons met 375 000 waarvan tien persent op universiteit is.  Kom ons rond die syfers af. Hoe kan 40 000 Afrikanerstudente aandring op 'n eksklusiewe universiteit in Afrikaans in 'n land met miljoene ander wat Engelstalige universiteite verkies? Ek vermoed dis net 'n historiese vergryp, 'n onrealistiese verwagting. Dieselfde geld vir Afrikaanse skole. Alhoewel die getalle nie noodwendig klein is nie, is dit in verhouding met die demografiese werklikheid 'n onbenulligheid.

Sou Afrikaners kon beding op grond van 'n ander magsbasis as dit dan nie demografie kan wees nie? Ek hoor soms die argument van Afrikanerkapitaal en -koopkrag. Die swart diamante het hierdie gegewe ook nou omgekeer en groot besigheid spits hulle nou toe op die nuwe geld. Wat van ons kennis? Dis wel goed genoeg vir individue om 'n lewe in die NSA uit te kap, maar dit geld ook net vir die ouerwordende geslagte Afrikaners.

Die werklikheid moet insink sodat Afrikaners werklik hulle posisie kan begryp. Ons kan soos die Rhodesiërs in Zimbabwiërs verander,  en net as individue en families leef, of ons moet voor begin,  elders. Op dié stadium lyk Orania vir my na die enigste beginpunt. Dis klein en realisties en pas by ons nuwe status as 'n klein minderheid in swart Suid-Afrika. As Afrikaners dan regtig so vindingryk is, sal hulle dit kan laat werk, maar dié keer op hulle eie terme.

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The anachronistic Jacobin

ImageRecently, University of Cape Town political analyst Anthony Butler wrote a vituperative article in Business Day in which he targets white South Africans as suffering from an irrational persecution complex, ostensibly not committing themselves enough to the transformation mass-hysteria that is still tempestuously propagated by the leftist intelligentsia.

In a strange twist, Butler has a way of accusing white South Africans, both English and Afrikaans, from suffering a certain historical amnesia when it comes to South Africa’s past. The fact that the current political reality affects people more than a few dry references to their history is not mentioned in his plea. The irony of it all is that the blacks suffered the most under the waves of ANC-based terror during the previous regime, with the white government brought to its knees by desperately trying to stomp out the fires. In Butler’s view, all positive aspects during white rule, such as low crime, low unemployment, higher levels of prosperity for blacks, higher black literacy rate and low infant mortality rates, are simply overlooked, with whites being reduced to nothing more than evil, psychopathic oppressors.

One does somehow wonder what his comment would be on COSATU’s secretary general Zwelinzima Vavi who recently stated that blacks were better off under apartheid than now.

Butler states further: “Whites’ political interventions nowadays tend to veer towards self-parody, their focus being on emotive distractions such as deteriorating public services in the white suburbs, the evils of employment equity and the threat that aspirant black school pupils supposedly pose to the “language rights” of Afrikaners.”

Since the ANC took over, the number of Afrikaans schools have been dramatically reduced. Instances have been noted where Africans who have no command of neither Afrikaans nor English were placed in Afrikaans medium schools as a pretext for Anglicising those particular institutions. Where there used to be 2000 Afrikaans schools, no more than 300 still remain. Afrikaans universities by all means belong to the past and postgraduate courses are now seldom taught in Afrikaans. Even though globalisation accounts for the rise of English at universities worldwide, Afrikaans universities are somehow compelled to swallow the bait hook, line and sinker.

In a letter to the former Minister of Education Kader Asmal in 2001, liberal historian Hermann Giliomee argued that historically Afrikaans universities have increased their intake of black students by more than 1000 percent, to the point that there are at present more Africans studying at former Afrikaans universities than former black universities. African students are in fact voting with their feet to access universities with an Afrikaans background. In Giliomee’s experience, Afrikaans universities are better in face-to-face contact, discipline is better, more time is spent on teaching and the administration is more effective than at the historically liberal universities. Indeed, to the chagrin of the current ruling class, many blacks are still bent upon learning Afrikaans at schools.

From these apparent conflicting tendencies, with blacks wanting to learn Afrikaans yet Afrikaans being eroded nationwide from public life, one could easily conclude that the government is not speaking on behalf of its people, but on behalf of the plans they themselves have stipulated to fulfil, using “the people” as a means of conveying party ideology – a trick originally expounded by Marxist-Leninist teaching.    

Butler’s notion that whites are absolutely shielded off from South African life, and therefore unconcerned about public facilities, is absurd. In the country with the world’s highest crime rate outside a war-zone, survival motivates people to erect security premises more than any other factor or ideology. Not to mention the most important state institutions have already been given to blacks during De Klerk’s and Meyer’s surrender without defeat. Guarded areas are no more than a last sanctuary that whites have to put up with to protect themselves.

Once again the whites are bestowed a double role in “transforming” South Africa. On the one hand they are indispensable due to their expertise, and as Butler himself stated, South Africa cannot succeed without them. At the same time the histrionic contrition that they have to display at the feet of their ANC leaders has not been enough. Where blacks are free to chant “Kill a Boer, Kill a Farmer”, whites have to find a way to help uplift them, apologize to Africans for preventing them from making South Africa ungovernable, and apparently thank the government for implementing affirmative action which bars whites from fully exploiting their true skills, effectively forcing them to leave for other shores.

Butler’s frustration that black political leaders cannot motivate whites to participate more in national political life has something insidious and cruel about it. With his constant attempts at demonising whites, a sentiment which is shared by the nation’s rulers, should he really be surprised that white South Africans are not eagerly participating in “nation building”? In any event, “transformation” or “nation building” has in the past thirteen years produced nothing but excessive government corruption, a top layer of black fat cats who consume lots but produce little, deteriorating public services and over a million skilled South Africans leaving a once beautiful and prosperous country. Black politicians with Charles Nquakula at the helm has openly expressed his impotence to curb severe crimes by telling people to leave the country if they don’t like it. According to a previous report issued by COSATU, South Africa is in the grip of famine unseen in 150 years…long before apartheid (or whites in most parts of the country) entered the stage.

The eagerness with which Butler blames whites for all South Africa’s ills (AFTER black takeover), followed by his statement that it is an exaggeration when Dan Roodt compares whites being at the receiving end of racial persecution comparable to Nazi-Germany, reveals him as a sadistic party ideologue cloaked underneath Canterbridgian rhetoric. Where he could find no rational explanation why whites would pay large sums of money to lock themselves up in their homes, claiming that they are somehow delusional, he bases his own argument purely on the sentimental. No other nation in modern history has sacrificed as much as white South Africans did but their true forgiveness is still a long way off. A never-ending cycle of defeat that could easily render whites into states of pure apathy becomes a reality if his Jacobinism is taken seriously.

A similar incident caused an approximate 9 million deaths in Soviet Russia after the assassination of Leningrad Communist Party member Sergei Kirov in 1934. The Great Terror that followed not only caused a murderous rampage of untold proportions, but many ordinary people stepped up to their executioners claiming guilt for acts not committed, knowing very well there is no exit from their ill-fate. In other Communist states, such as Romania, Party leader Ana Pauker welcomed the deportation and execution of her own husband for the sake of ideological purity…and never shed a tear.

South Africa’s crime wave is even notorious overseas, with many foreigners witnessing incidents of savage crimes in the cities and rural areas. This however does not seem to impact on Butler’s weltanschauung. “Nation building” should be completed at all cost, yet the blueprints of this Brave New South Africa is never openly revealed to those who must beg for atonement.

The insincerity of Butler’s plea needs no pointing out. Yet one can only speculate on who’s behalf he really speaks. The ANC or the British Empire? Either which way, outside interference and this level of odious imperialism is not new to South Africa.

To quote Afrikaans poet N.P. van Wyk Louw:

Miskien sal niemand later

Mooi dinge van ons weet,

En nêrens sin te kry wees

In al ons stryd en leed,

 

Sal elkeen as hy magtloos

Naby die sterwe lê

Net hierdie eensaam wete

Uiteindelik nog hê:

 

Dat ons nie kon gebuig word

soos hul geweld dit wou,

en dat ons hoog kon lewe

net aan ons bloed getrou.    

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Aan tradisie uitgelewer

Image

Geen regte nie

’n Onlangse studie wat deur Save the Children in Mosambiek uitgevoer is, toon dat tradisionele erfpraktyke in Suider-Afrika weduwees weerloos en uitgelewer laat. Volgens Afrika-tradisie in hierdie streek kan die man se naasbestaandes sy erlating tussen hulle verdeel. Weduwees word gevolglik dikwels vir hulle mans se dood geblameer sodat familielede hulle hande op die buit kan lê. Sodoende verloor die weduwees dan ook toesig oor hulle kinders, hulle huise en soms selfs al hulle besittings.

Weduwees word gewoonlik deur die skoonfamilie daarvan beskuldig dat hulle hul mans “getoor” het en dit word dan as voorwensel gebruik om hulle van alles te stroop. Die kinders word ook van die moeder weggeneem en mag haar gewoonlik nie eers besoek nie. Verder word weduwees wat weier om aan die “reinigingsritueel” deel te neem, uit hulle families en soms selfs hulle woonareas verban. Ingevolge hierdie ritueel moet die weduwee instem tot seksuele omgang (sonder ’n kondoom) met ’n manlike familielid om die bose geeste te verdryf. Gevolglik het hierdie vroue nie ’n ander keuse as om as arbeiders of prostitute te gaan werk om aan die lewe te bly nie. Vele van hulle doen MIV/vigs op.

Die patriargale aard van Afrika-gemeenskappe bring mee dat alleenlik manlike erfgename as waardig genoeg beskou word om die familienaam voort te sit. Vroue word as tydelike besitters van materiële besittings gesien, dus voel die skoonfamilie dat dit heeltemal reg is om haar van haar besittings te stroop.

In Suid-Afrika is hierdie tradisie vir die eerste keer in twyfel getrek toe Nontupheko Bhe, ’n weduwee van Khayelitsha, in 2004 suksesvol was in haar aansoek om die Swart Administrasiewet te laat skrap. Ingevolge hierdie wet was die gebruik om die man se erflating onder sy eie familie te verdeel heeltemal wettig. Ten spyte van hierdie waterskeiding bly vele vroue onbewus van hulle regte in dié verband. Daar is verder ook by swart vroue ’n geneigdheid om stil te bly, aangesien hulle net passiewe deelnemers in hulle gemeenskap mag wees. Dit gebeur dus baie selde dat ’n testament opgestel en toegepas word. Onkunde en tradisie speel hier ’n rol – ook die geloof dat die opstel van ’n testament beteken dat jy die dood as ’t ware “uitnooi” om jou te besoek.

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Bosoorlogherdenking op Balmoral

ʼn Dag van trou deur oud-stryders in die Suider-Afrikaanse bosoorlog word op Saterdag en Sondag, 10 en 11 November by die Balmoral-museum oos van Bronkhorstspruit gehou. Dr. Dan Roodt sal Sondagoggend ʼn toespraak hou oor die onderwerp: “Die bosoorlog: ʼn verlore saak liefs vergeet?”

Vir volledige besonderhede klik hieronder op "lees meer".

DAG VAN TROU
Saterdag en Sondag, 10 en 11 November 2007
by die
BALMORAL-MUSEUM 
 

‘n  Troubetoon deur veterane,  hulle naasbestaandes en vriende van die voormalige veiligheidsmagte van Suid-Afrika en Rhodesië,  toegewy aan die eer en gedagtenis van hulle makkers, eenhede, basisse en operasies  in die Suider-Afrikaanse bosoorloë aan die einde van die twintigste eeu.

 

We few, we happy few, we band of brothers; for whoever has shed his blood with me shall be my brother. Someday, somewhere we will meet again, because we will always be

. BROTHERS TO THE END!

 

 

PROGRAM

 

Saterdag, 10 November 2007:

 

Vanaf 0800h:                                         Besigtiging Museum.

                                                                Staptoer terrein Slag van Balmoral. en konsentrasiekamp.

                                                                Braai- en kampeergeriewe.

                                                                Volleybal.

                                                                Skiet-kompetisie.

 

Vanaf  1200h :                                      Onthulling Muur van Herdenking.

                                                                Herdenkingsplaatjies:Beplanning en Bestellings.

                                                                Verversings.

                                                                Boeke en aandenkings te koop. Hooftema: Bosoorloë Suider-Afrika.

Vanaf 1800h :                                        Liggies-Eerbetoon by Begraafplaas.

                                                                Kampvuursamesyn.

                                                                Oornaggeriewe. Bespreek by 013 6801136, 0824381877 of 0723743526.

Sondag, 11 November 2007:

0800: Kort Sondagdiens.

0830: Die Bosoorlog. –  ‘n Verlore Saak, liefs vergeet?      Spreker: Dr Dan Roodt.   Bespreking.

Afsluitingsparade om 11.11 uur die 11de van die 11de maand, soos wat dit wêreldwyd in die Westerse wêreld herdenk word.

LET WEL: Herdenkingsplaatjies van ‘n eenheid, basis of operasie kan bestel  word by 0824381877, of net na die onthulling van die Muur van Herdenking te Balmoral.

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Carjack mum feared for life

A mother of three has been viciously assaulted in a third attempted carjacking by African youths.

Lee Clayton, 51, who suffered facial injuries, bruising and lacerations, said she feared for her life.

Ms Clayton had just left a friend’s house when two attackers tried to force her from her car at an intersection in Melton.

They tried to wrench her from the driver’s seat and one punched her in the face before they fled.

"I usually have the car doors locked, but this time I didn’t," Ms Clayton told the Herald Sun.

"I stopped at an intersection, and I didn’t see anyone walking down a footpath … and they just came from nowhere.

"They ran at my car and started banging on the windows and undid the driver’s side door and tried to get the car keys out of the ignition.

"When I tried to fight them off one of them punched me, and I’ve got cuts and scratch marks on my arms where they tried to grab me."

The attack happened about 1.20am on Tuesday, just minutes from Ms Clayton’s Melton home.

Last Friday a gang of African youths tried to carjack two vehicles in Carlton. A female driver and her male passenger were showered in glass after the youths threw bricks through car’s windows.

In the other attack, a car was set upon after a man pulled over to answer a mobile phone call.

Ms Clayton said she would think twice about getting behind the wheel late at night again.

"I thought that if they got me out of the car I was in big trouble.

"The police have fingerprinted my car and it’s sitting in my driveway, but I don’t want to go near it, to tell you the truth.

"You’d think you should be safe in your car to come home at any time. But apparently not these days."

Anyone with information can call Crime Stoppers on 1800 333 000.

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Op die glybaan na ‘Stellenbosch University’

ImageEnkele weke gelede het ek ʼn stuk vir LitNet geskryf waarin ek die taamlik retoriese vraag gevra het, “Hoe Afrikaans is die Afrikaanses?” Onder die polities korrekte toebehore wat soos die oordadige stelle pype, borsels en snoete van ʼn duur Duitse stofsuier saam met ANC-regering gekom het, tel die term “Afrikaanses”.

Niemand kon tot dusver ʼn gangbare definisie van ʼn "Afrikaanse" verskaf nie, maar dit is bedoel as ʼn teenvoeter vir die begrip “Afrikaner” wat in die NSA ongewens geword het. Afrikaners is so ongewens dat hulle heel dikwels, binne die verband van plaas- en huisaanvalle wat al hoe meer algemeen raak, gedwing word om kookwater te drink en andersins gemartel word, verkrag word en van die gras afgemaak word met minder ontsag as wat die meeste mense vir diere koester.

Stellenbosch het intussen ʼn “Afrikaanse” rektor verkry, prof. Russel Botman. ʼn “Verkorte CV” van prof. Botman is deur die universiteit in Afrikaans aan die media beskikbaar gestel (terwyl die nuwe rektor se amptelike CV op die US se webblad net in Engels beskikbaar is – ʼn aanduiding van waar sy simpatieë lê?) Volgens dié dokument is Botman 53 jaar oud en ʼn “bruin man”, dus verwys hy nie na homself as ʼn “Afrikaanse” nie.

In sommige kringe is daar ʼn sug van verligting geslaak toe Stellenbosch met Botman se aanstelling finaal van sy historiese Afrikanerbeheer onthef is; nie dat die vorige rektor, die anglofiele jingo Chris Brink, hoegenaamd die Afrikaner goedgesind was nie, inteendeel. Enkele weke lank het die media en die universiteit se openbare-betrekkingekonsultante egter die indruk probeer skep dat Botman, hoewel “ten gunste van transformasie” aan Stellenbosch, nogtans Afrikaans as onderrigtaal sou handhaaf. ʼn Mens hoef maar net na Botman se amptelike CV te kyk om te besef dat hy by voorkeur sy verhandelings in Engels skryf. Sy doktorale proefskrif heet: Discipleship as transformation? Towards a theology of transformation.

Te oordeel aan die titel, is Botman se denke deurdrenk van die ANC se anti-wit, anti-Afrikaanse transformasie-ideologie. Binnekort wil ek nog aantoon in welke mate transformasie, soos kommunisme of Nazisme, ʼn misdaad teen die mensdom verteenwoordig, want dit pas etniese suiwering op ʼn spesifieke minderheidsgroep toe. Die uiteindelike oogmerk van transformasie is om die Afrikaner taalkundig, kultureel en selfs fisies uit Suid-Afrika te laat verdwyn. Ons moet begin om die verband in te sien tussen die moordbendes wat ons op plase en in die voorstede teister en die beplande verengelsing van Stellenbosch. Net soos wat kommunisme en die utopiese gelykheidsideaal hand aan hand met massamoorde en strafkampe gegaan het, verteenwoordig transformasie strukturele geweld en kulturele vandalisme teen minderheidsgroepe en spesifiek teen die Afrikaner.

Dat Stellenbosch onder die transformasionistiese teoloog, Russel Botman, verengels gaan word, is so te sê ʼn uitgemaakte saak. Dié indruk word versterk deur die jongste taalbeleid van die universiteit wat onlangs gepubliseer is. In weerwil van die wollerige aard van die dokument blyk dit duidelik dat Afrikaans nog vir vyf jaar lank voorgraads toegelaat gaan word, maar dat die huidige toestand bestendig gaan word waar Engels reeds die nagraadse verstektaal geword het. Ook wat die herrie oor die “A-opsie” en “T-opsie” betref, kies Botman en sy taalkomitee kant vir die “T-opsie” waar Engels en Afrikaans in dieselfde klas gebruik gaan word. Volgens die universiteit se besprekingsdokument (maar waarop mens reeds sedert 1 November geen kommentaar kan lewer nie) werk die “T-opsie” so:

“Die mondelinge kommunikasietaal van die dosent in lesings, seminare, tutoriale en praktika van ’n module is

(i) in dieselfde klas Afrikaans en Engels, met dien verstande dat die gebruik van Afrikaans minstens 50% is, of

(ii) afwisselend Afrikaans en Engels in verskillende klasse van ’n module of program, met dien verstande dat die gebruik van Afrikaans minstens 50% is.”

Hierdeur word Afrikaans en Engels in lesinglokale en elders in mededinging gestel sodat Engels sy werk as killer language, soos taalkundiges dit noem, kan doen. Soos ons by Tukkies gesien het, sal die aandrang op 50% Afrikaans in die praktyk gou verdwyn en die enkele taalbewuste Afrikanerstudente wat dit sou durf waag om op hul moedertaal aan te dring, sal gou-gou as polities onkorrek, “regs”, “rassisties” en dergelike gestigmatiseer word, waarna die Stellenbosse trein seepglad by die eindstasie Stellenbosch University sal aankom, net soos wat die vorige Randse Afrikaanse Universiteit die Johannesburg University geword het.

Ek is seker Hermann Giliomee en ander wat hard vir die behoud van Afrikaans by Stellenbosch geveg het, moet hierdie nuwe wending met teleurstelling gadeslaan. Maar soos ek al so dikwels geargumenteer het, is die “Afrikaanses” nie baie Afrikaans nie en gaan die PK-strategie om “Afrikaans, maar sonder die Afrikaner” te propageer, op ʼn ronde nul uitloop.

Dit is byna lagwekkend om te sien hoe die US se besprekingsdokument klakkeloos die clichés waarmee die verengelsingsproses die afgelope dertien jaar bewierook word, napraat. Kastig word Afrikaans aan Stellenbosch “bevorder as onderrig- en wetenskapstaal in ’n meertalige konteks”. Die woord “meertalig” het sedert 1994 ʼn eufemisme vir “Engels-eentalig” geword. Blykbaar wil die universiteit ook ewe hard isiXhosa bevorder, wat seker die toppunt van politieke korrektheid verteenwoordig. Asof enige van ons Xhosa-imperialiste ooit hul eie taal op universiteit of selfs van ʼn openbare politieke verhoog af besig.

Met Botman aan die stuur, kan mens met redelike sekerheid sê dat Afrikaans by Stellenbosch as wetenskapstaal binnekort tot op die vlak van isiXhosa afgeskaal sal word.

Op die glybaan na ʼn Engels-eentalige Stellenbosch University sal daar met trane in die oë na “meertaligheid” en allerlei vorme van inheemse folklore verwys word. ʼn Paar tradisionele Xhosas uit die Transkei sal moontlik op die kampus hul Wes-Afrikaanse tromme kom slaan. Waarskynlik sal daar nog ʼn Woordfees en ʼn Versindaba – die Afrikaner se ekwivalent van bietjie tromslaan en fluitjieblaas – gehou word. Maar Stellenbosch gaan meedoënloos verengels word tot op die punt waar kampusgangers jou verbaas sal aankyk as jy selfs net Afrikaans in die verbygaan sou praat, soos reeds by die voormalige RAU die geval is.

большой теннис польза и вредлобановский александр биография

SA skole van swakste in Afrika

Suid-Afri­kaan­se skole is van die swakste in Afrika in die lig van nóg ’n verdoemende studie wat toon leerders se lees- en syfervaardighede is power.

Die Suid-Afrikaanse Instituut vir Rasseverhoudings (SAIRR) het eergisteraand ’n verslag, South Africa Survey Online, met dié bevindinge bekend gemaak.
 
Lees hier verder.

 

you play gamesАлександр Фильчаков Васильевич

Burgemeester en veiligheidshoof ignoreer inisiatief

SafetyNet, ’n gemeen­ skapspolisiërings­- inisiatief, wil binne ’n jaar van "Tshwane" ’n veilige gebied maak.

Dié inisiatief, wat op 1 Januarie van stapel laat loop word, is gister by die Universiteit van Pretoria bekendgestel.

Die geleentheid is spesiaal gereël vir dr. Gwen Ramokgopa, uitvoerende burgemeester van Tshwane, maar sy was afwesig.

игры для деочекДанильченко