Sarkozy wants SA in G8

A proposal by France’s President Nicolas Sarkozy that South Africa and four other emerging economies be included in the influential Group of Eight (G8) has met with mixed response from local commentators.

Goolam Ballim, the group economist at Standard Bank, said the inclusion would be a constructive gesture. "There is increasing recognition that, in their current format, the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund will become irrelevant if they don’t evolve to include both leadership and opinion of emerging markets, and the same is true of other international groupings."

Bloomberg reported that Sarkozy, in his first major foreign policy speech yesterday, proposed the inclusion of China, India, Brazil, Mexico and South Africa in the G8. Sarkozy’s call flies in the face of the position adopted by the body’s chairman, Angela Merkel. The German chancellor has opposed the extension of G8 membership.

Ballim added that the inclusion of emerging market leaders would give credibility to global dialogue. "It is recognition that, for global dialogue to have a genuine meaning, the leading emerging economies do need a seat at the table. South Africa can be a meaningful voice for Africa’s interest at the altar of global dialogue."

Steve Friedman, a research associate at Idasa, holds a similar view. "It would create a platform for a more equal conversation about international trade."

But Garth le Pere, the executive director of the Institute for Global Dialogue, said it would not be in South Africa’s interests to join the G8 as this would compromise its position "as a strong proponent of South-South co-operation".

Finance minister Trevor Manuel, who has played a high-profile role in engagements between the developed and developing worlds, would not comment, said national treasury spokesperson Thoraya Pandy. She referred inquiries to the presidency, which also declined to comment, referring all questions to foreign affairs, which could not be reached.

The G8 is an informal, but powerful, grouping of the world’s seven leading industrialised countries – the US, Japan, Germany, the UK, France, Canada and Italy – and Russia. While the size of gross domestic product (GDP) is no longer a major qualification for membership, it did determine the original membership in 1975.

South Africa’s inclusion would break the mould. Cees Bruggemans, the chief economist at First National Bank, said South Africa, with an economy worth only $280 billion (R2 trillion), was far smaller than the G8 members.

The World Bank’s July 2007 development indicators show South Africa has the 27th-biggest GDP. Russia, the smallest of the G8 economies, has a GDP of $986 billion, while the biggest is the US, with an economy worth $13.2 trillion. After South Africa, Mexico is the smallest of the proposed entrants, with GDP of $839 billion.

Ballim said, however, that South Africa "can be seen to represent the considered opinion of emerging markets and also is a beachhead for Africa. Even though Africa comprises less than 3.3 percent of global GDP and 2.5 percent of world exports, it houses at least 13 percent of the world’s population."

Bruggemans added that global institutional arrangements were changing daily as emerging markets gained in stature.

Peter Draper, a research fellow at the SA Institute of International Affairs, said an important question was whether the other members would accept the inclusion of the five countries. And he pointed out that China was not a democracy, which is seen as a precondition for membership.

A South African-based observer commented that it was unlikely there would be support from other members, except for the UK.

Bloomberg said Sarkozy’s comments came two months after the last G8 meeting established the Heiligendamm Process, in which Brazil, China, India, Mexico and South Africa would have regular, formal talks with the G8. Previous invitations tended to be ad hoc.

для автосервисадепутат лобановский

No whites allowed

A parent has objected to the "no whites" entry requirement for an accountancy Olympiad.

The parent, Rhett Kahn, whose daughter attends Welkom High School, said he couldn’t believe his eyes when he saw a notice for entry to the Olympiad which stated: "No white students are allowed to enter."

Kahn said he was outraged that his daughter could not enter the Olympiad while all her classmates could.

"I’m an ANC member and my daughter is the only white child in a black school. I deliberately kept it that way. How do I explain to her that her friends can write the Olympiad but she can’t?" Kahn asked.

But Olympiad organisers said the competition was aimed at changing the demographics of people employed in the profession.

The SA Institute of Chartered Accountants (Saica) explained that the competition – the Softline Pastel Olympiad – was aimed at transforming racial demographics among chartered accountants, and was targeting black pupils at 40 schools in the Free State.

"Our objectives are to try to change the demographic over-representation by whites and Indians in the sector," said Natalie Zimmelman, project director for transformation at Saica. The winners will be awarded bursaries to study accountancy at university.

"We aim this Olympiad very specifically at black and coloured learners, it’s a part of our broader strategy for transformation in the sector."

Zimmelman said of the 27 000 chartered accountants registered with SAICA, 25 497 were white, 2 405 Indian, 857 black and 788 coloured. "In 2006, there were 700 African students who passed maths on higher grade with a C+ or more in the country.

If you look at the average, about two will get to be chartered accountants," Zimmelman said. "We have many projects trying to change this, and the Softline Pastel Olympiad is one."

Zimmelman said the imbalance also ran across gender lines. Of the 25 497 white chartered accountants, only 5 225 were female.

мед справка 086 уФильчаков прокурор харькова

Sweedse Kuifie bly

Image

Kuifie bestuur

Die owerhede in Swede het ‘n klag van ‘n Sweedse burger wat in die Kongo gebore is om "Kuifie in die Kongo" te verbied, van die hand gewys.  Jean-Dadou Monya, wat sedert 1992 in Swede woon, het verlede Donderdag die Sweedse uitgewer, Bonnier Carlsen, voor die hof gedaag om te eis dat die verkope van die strokiesverhaal gestaak word en dat dit uit biblioteke verwyder word.

 
Monya (42) het aan die media gesê dat hy per pos laat weet is dat die uitgewer nie vervolg sal word nie. Die besluit is glo op ‘n tegniese punt geneem en die hof het geen dieper gronde daarvoor gegee nie. "Ek het dit verwag, vir my was die belangrikste om die rassistiese trekke van die strokie uit te wys wat geen plek het in die 21ste eeu nie," was die klaer se reaksie.
 
"Dit is ‘n storie vir kinders en dis nie goed as hulle rassistiese dinge lees nie, soos as Kuifie op Afrikane skree en hulle lui noem," het hy voortgegaan. Hy het die klag in die naam van die Afro-Sweedse Vereniging gelê. Monya sê hy deur die klag in België teen "Kuifie in die Kongo" gesterk.

строительство турецкой баниДанильченко Юрий Брониславович Харьков

New Anti-Slavery Law Not Enough

The Mauritanian government must take additional measures to ensure a new law criminalizing slavery has an effect, human rights activists say.

"The new law is a very positive first step. It is only a first step though," said Romana Cacchioli, Africa Programme Coordinator for the British non-governmental pressure group, Anti-Slavery International. "We don’t eradicate slavery just by introducing a law."

On 8 August, Mauritania’s National Assembly unanimously adopted a law criminalizing slavery, which continues to exist in Mauritania in both traditional and contemporary forms. The law, passed by the Senate on 22 August, makes slavery punishable by 5-10 years in prison. It marks the first time in Mauritanian history that slave holders have been sanctioned.

However, in the wake of the International Day for the Remembrance of the Slave Trade and its Abolition on 23 August, local and international organisations are calling on the government to do more to give the law real meaning for the estimated half million slaves in Mauritania.

"Accompanying measures are necessary so that this law is not forgotten – so that it actually contributes to the emancipation of former slaves," said Mamadou Moctar Sarr, executive secretary of the forum of national human rights organisations in Mauritania.

"It’s not too soon to start talking about the next steps that should be taken," said Julia Harrington of the Open Society Justice Initiative, an international programme for law reform. "The existing law is not really going to be effective all by itself," she told IRIN from Nouakchott, where she was meeting with NGOs to discuss how best they could lobby the government.

NGOs are asking for a monitoring and implementation mechanism that would apply the law, investigate allegations of slavery, mediate the release of slaves and award compensation.

"The passage of this law is incredibly important and symbolic, but there’s still a lack of clarity about what its practical effect is going to be," Harrington said.

As it stands now, victims of slavery must take their complaints to the police, "who probably don’t have the mentality and definitely don’t have the resources to implement the law." She said victims also need the legal right to take their masters to court in a civil suit, a provision that was not included in the law.

The NGOs insist former slaves need social and economic reintegration projects if they are to be truly free. They want the government to set up welcome centres for slaves who leave their masters and give them access to land and income-generating activities.

"Even if they are no longer slaves, as long as there is financial dependency, they will never be totally free," said Sarr, of the forum of Mauritanian human rights organisations.

Another key demand is free education for children of slave descent. "All these people need to know their rights, so that they know that they are whole persons who should be proud of themselves," Sarr added.

The groups say an awareness campaign is essential to spread the news that slavery is a criminal offence, and that it has also been deemed incompatible with Islam. Mauritania is West Africa’s only Islamic republic. According to Cacchioli, religious leaders have promised to talk about the abolition of slavery in their sermons.

The groups are also pushing for a comprehensive law against discrimination, which would address the relationship between slavery and discrimination. "Many of the legacies of slavery are around discrimination," Cacchioli added, noting some people of slave descent have been prevented from owning land, accessing water and running in elections.

Slavery has existed for centuries in Mauritania, a Sahelian country which falls geographically and culturally between Arab North Africa and black sub-Saharan Africa. The enslavement of the black Arabic speakers (Haratines) is not limited to the upper class white Moores (Berber-Arabs), but also exists among black Africans, mostly of the Halpulaar and Soninké ethnic groups.

Prevalence of the internationally banned practice is hard to quantify. One estimate by the Open Society Justice Initiative places the number of slaves and former slaves at 20 percent of the population – or about 500,000 people – but the organisation says the numbers are impossible to confirm. According to most estimates, the Haratine cast – slaves, former slaves or the descendants of slaves – make up close between 40-50 percent of the Mauritanian population, although the government has not officially released results from the last census.

Forms of slavery in Mauritania range from people who live independently but cannot get married without their master’s permission to people who "don’t get a single bit of food unless it comes from their master’s hands, spend their lives looking after their masters, and get beaten everyday," according to the Justice Initiative’s Harrington.

NGOs say that despite its shortcomings, the new law marks a huge shift in government attitude. Slavery was banned in Mauritania in 1981, but previous governments always denied the practice existed and the subject remained taboo.

"This law is a recognition that the practice exists," said Boubacar Messaoud, president of SOS-Esclaves, the local NGO that led the push for an anti-slavery law.

All NGOs contacted by IRIN said they believed Mauritania’s first democratically elected government – elected in March 2007 – was sincere in its promise to eradicate slavery and would take their requests seriously.

"We are optimistic," Messaoud said. "And we will continue to push for these accompanying measures until one day we get them because they are the solution to the problem."

центробежные насосы дляФильчаков прокуратура харьков

Duitsers sak op nog immigrante toe

Image

Magdeburgse domkerk

‘n Irakese immigrant wat Saterdagaand by ‘n bushalte in Magdeburg in die ooste van Duitsland gestaan en wag het, is deur ‘n onbekende aangerand. Dié voorval kom slegs ‘n week nadat ‘n soortgelyke insident in Mügeln plaasgevind het en politici die toename in "vreemdelinghaat" sterk veroordeel het. In ‘n ander voorval in Guntersblum naby Mainz is ‘n Egiptenaar en Soedanees aangeval.

Die ses-en-dertigjarige Irakeër is volgens ‘n polisiewoordvoerder eers deur ‘n plaaslike inwoner uitgeskel omdat hy kwansuis nie tuis hoort in Duitsland nie, waarna die inwoner weer omgedraai het. Kort daarna het die inwoner egter teruggekeer met sy hond wat hy op die man losgelaat het, asook ‘n bofbalkolf. Die inwoner het die immigrant met kolf bygedam en kopwonde toegedien. ‘n Ooggetuie het die toneel gadegeslaan en die polisie ontbied.

By die wynfees in Guntersblum oor die naweek het etlike Duitsers op die twee immigrante toegesak en albei is beseer. In Mügeln het daar Saterdagaand net 200 mense aan ‘n vredesmars deelgeneem om kerse voor die Pizzeria waar die Indiërs skuiling gaan soek het, te plaas. Die Indiërs is deur 50 Duitsers aangerand en agtervolg tot in die eetplek.

Die linkse SPD-voorsitter wil graag die regse NPD-party laat verbied om vreemdelinghaat te bekamp, maar Kanselier Merkel en CSU-voorsitter Stoiber is nie entoesiasties oor die voorstel nie. Die Hessiese minister vir interne aangeleenthede, Volker Bouffier (CDU), het gesê dat die NPD met argumente bestry behoort te word. Probleme sal nie, meen lede van die regering, met ‘n verbod opgelos word nie.

‘n Emnid-meningspeiling het onlangs bevind dat soveel as 14% van stemgeregtigde vroue vir ‘n party regs van die huidige regering sal stem. Dit is ‘n verrassing volgens navorsers omdat vroue geneig is om nie so sterk na regs oor te hel nie. Van mans het net 9% gedink dat hulle sou regser kon stem.

компрессор для пескоструйкиФильчаков прокурор харькова

Sexual harassment in Kenya

A troop of vervet monkeys is giving Kenyan villagers long days and sleepless nights, destroying crops and causing a food crisis.

Earlier this month, local MP Paul Muite urged the Kenyan Wildlife Service to help contain their aggressive behaviour.

But Mr Muite caused laughter when he told parliament that the monkeys had taken to harassing and mocking women in a village.

But this is exactly what the women in the village of Nachu, just south-west of Kikuyu, are complaining about.

They estimate there are close to 300 monkeys invading the farms at dawn. They eat the village’s maize, potatoes, beans and other crops.

And because women are primarily responsible for the farms, they have borne the brunt of the problem, as they try to guard their crops.

They say the monkeys are more afraid of young men than women and children, and the bolder ones throw stones and chase the women from their farms.

Nachu’s women have tried wearing their husbands’ clothes in an attempt to trick the monkeys into thinking they are men – but this has failed, they say.

"When we come to chase the monkeys away, we are dressed in trousers and hats, so that we look like men," resident Lucy Njeri told the BBC News website

"But the monkeys can tell the difference and they don’t run away from us and point at our breasts. They just ignore us and continue to steal the crops."

In addition to stealing their crops, the monkeys also make sexually explicit gestures at the women, they claim.

"The monkeys grab their breasts, and gesture at us while pointing at their private parts. We are afraid that they will sexually harass us," said Mrs Njeri.

The Kenyan Wildlife Service told the BBC that it was not unusual for monkeys to harass women and be less afraid of them than men, but they had not heard of monkeys in Kenya making sexually explicit gestures as a form of communication to humans.

The predominantly farming community is now having to receive famine relief food.

The residents report that the monkeys have killed livestock and guard dogs, which has also left the villagers living in fear, especially for the safety of their babies and children.

All the villagers’ attempts to control the monkeys have failed – the monkeys evade traps, have lookouts to warn the others of impending attacks and snub poisoned food put out by the residents.

"The troop has scouts which keep a lookout from a vantage point, and when they see us coming, they give warning signals to the ones in the farms to get away," said another area resident, Jacinta Wandaga.

The town has been warned by the Kenya Wildlife Service not to harm or kill any of the monkeys, as it is a criminal offence.

Running out of options, residents are harvesting their crops early in an attempt to salvage what they can of this year’s crop.

Unfortunately, this only invites the monkeys to break into their homes and steal the harvested crops out of their granaries.

Even the formation of a "monkey squad" to keep track of the monkeys’ movements and keep them out has failed.

The area is simply too large for the few volunteers to cover, they say.

Some residents have lost hope and abandoned their homes and farms, but those who have stayed behind, like 80-year-old James Ndungu, are making a desperate plea for assistance.

"For God’s sake, the government should take pity on us and move these monkeys away because we do not want to abandon our farms," he said.

"I beg you, please come and take these animals away from here so that we can farm in peace."

детский велосипедтопкарго развод

Moetie-aanval in Noordwes

Die man wat die laaste persoon was wat ’n jong swart seun twee weke gelede gesien het, net voor hy wreedaardig vermink is, is die pas afgelope naweek dood aangetref in die dorpie Phela, in Noordwes. Dit is nog nie bekend wie hom vermoor het nie. Sy liggaam is sowat 500 meter gevind van die veekraal waar hy die dertienjarige seun die laaste keer gesien het.

Die seun, Bahumi Mogorosi, is op 5 Augustus naby Rustenburg aangeval. Hy was besig om sy pa se vee op te pas toe hy oorval is. Sy aanvallers het sy tong, geslagsdele en lippe uitgesny. Sy regterarm is by die elmboog afgekap. Ná die aanval het hy sowat 150 meter gekruip om hulp te kry. Hy verkeer tans in ’n ernstige toestand in die hospitaal.

Toordokters glo dat ’n afgesnyde hand wat onder ’n winkeldeur begrawe word, vir die winkeleienaar goeie geluk en flinke sake kan beteken. Die hand wink naamlik klante en geld nader.

Volgens dr Gerard Laubschagne, wat aan die hoof staan van ’n polisie-eenheid wat moetiemoorde- en aanvalle ondersoek, kom sulke aanvalle nog gereeld voor. Hierdie moorde word egter dikwels nie by die polisie aangemeld nie. Alhoewel amptelike statistiek nie beskikbaar is nie, glo hy dat tot 300 sulke moorde jaarliks plaasvind. Polisielede hanteer sulke gevalle dikwels soos gewone moorde, wat beteken dat Labuschagne en sy eenheid nie daarby betrek word nie.

Die meeste tradisionele genesers beperk hulle tot die gebruik van kruie, boombas en dele van dierkarkasse, maar die geloof bestaan dat menslike ledemate oor geweldige krag beskik en die konkoksie wat verkoop word dus baie duurder maak. Volgens Labuschagne is dit moeilik om sulke gevalle op te los, aangesien verskillende partye betrokke is. Die geneser sal aan die moordenaar beskryf watter liggaamsdele hy benodig.

Dit moet verwyder word terwyl die slagoffer nog leef. Testikels is gewild vir viriliteitsresepte, tonge word verwyder om mans te help om vroue met hulle woorde te bekoor en vet van die maag of borste word gebruik om geluk te bring. Indien die moordenaar gevang word, wil hy dikwels nie die naam van die geneser verklap nie, omdat hy vrees dat hy getoor kan word.

Labuschagne het geen illusies dat sy eenheid hierdie praktyk gaan beëindig nie. “Die praktyk gaan al vir eeue lank aan, dit is niks nuuts nie. Ek dink nie enigiemand glo dat ons moetiemoorde gaan verhoed nie, net so min soos mens kan beweer dat prostitusie beëindig kan word.“

лучшее пуско зарядноеФильчаков Харьков

Nigerian fetish killers

 

Scores of people fled villages in the Oju district of Benue state, near the border with Cameroon, as word of the killing spread, prompting authorities to impose a dusk-to-dawn curfew.

"The woman’s two ears were cut off, her hands were chopped off, her stomach was ripped open, her heart removed and her vagina was taken away," said a police spokesman from the state capital Makurdi.

Two girls who were with the woman also suffered deep machete cuts but survived the attack and are recovering in a local hospital, he added.

The attack occurred on Aug. 11, but the report reached state police command only on Tuesday because of poor communications.

Killing for rituals is common in Nigeria, Africa’s most populous country, where many believe witchcraft involving the use of human organs can make them instant millionaires or provide protection.

Nigeria is nominally divided equally between Christians and Muslims, but many mix these imported faiths with traditional beliefs.

Sorcerers often use human genitals, eyes, tongues and skulls to make charms.

In 2004, police discovered 83 decomposing, mutilated corpses in a raid on fetish shrines in a teak forest near Okija town in southeastern Anambra state. About 30 witch-doctors were arrested.

The former Anambra state governor, Chris Ngige, said he was taken to the forest to take an oath with some political sponsors before assuming office in 2003.

black jackтопкарго развод

HRC on the attack against farmers

Officials, watchdogs focus anew on agriculture’s grim record, writes Bongani Mthethwa.

On a wintry morning in April 2003, Simphiwe Bophela and her two cousins set out to gather fire wood in a forest near their homestead at Hlobane, near Vryheid in KwaZulu-Natal.

They giggled as their breath turned to mist in the cold air. The task was arduous as veld fires had consumed most of the available wood in the area — and the fires were still burning that morning.

Suddenly, a 4×4 revved and charged at them.

The girls scattered in terror as the driver leant out of the window and hurled abuse at them for collecting wood in his forest.

Two of the girls — Nomfundo Bophela, 14, and Nomcebo Ntshakala, 15 — managed to escape unharmed .

Simphiwe Bophela, then just 11 years old, was not so lucky.

As she fled from the farmer, she fell head-first into the flames. She sustained third-degree burns on her legs, torso , neck and face.

Simphiwe’s mother, Nokuthula Bophela, 35, said police took statements after the incident, and a case was opened at the local police station — but that was the last the family heard of it .

“What makes me angry is that our family has been collecting fire wood from that forest since 1999. I can’t understand what changed that day, and why today my child suffers due to that man.

“It’s been four years, but my daughter is scarred for life, not to mention the pain. I have to take her to the doctor at least three times a month,” said the unemployed mother of two.

For Simphiwe, the ordeal has changed her life forever, and remains etched in her memory like acid on metal.

After spending six months out of school recuperating from her burns, the young girl faced another ordeal — teasing at the hands of some of her peers.

The Grade 10 pupil, who is scarred on the left side of her face and neck, said after she returned to Pikhwakhe High School, Ulundi, a fellow pupil dropped her a note with a crude reference to the rest of her body.

“I was very humiliated and angered by the incident, but I had to resign myself to accepting my condition with the knowledge that I knew I wasn’t born like that,” she said.

She said she found solace in the fact that her teachers and some of the children at the school accepted her as she was. And she decided to carry on with her life.

Simphiwe’s ordeal is one of several tragedies that have befallen farm dwellers in northern KwaZulu-Natal over the past six years.

The incidents include:

  • Bongiwe Xhakaza was allegedly killed by a farmer while collecting wood; the farmer got off with a R4000 fine;

  • Jabulisile Danisa from Hlobane was allegedly shot while collecting water, by a farmer who claimed to have mistaken her for a bird . Nothing came of her case;

  • Piet Zungu from Gluckstadt was allegedly beaten up by farmers and left for dead after being suspected of cattle theft. A case was opened, but never got under way;

  • Muntu Gumbi, 87, was allegedly kicked so badly by farmers after his cattle grazed on a farmer’s land that his bladder ruptured and he lost the ability to speak. He couldn’t testify against his attackers and they went unpunished .

    Things came to a head last month when two farmers and five commando members, charged with assaulting and suffocating two boys suspected of cattle theft, were acquitted by controversial Vryheid magistrate Johan de Bruin.

    Before their acquittal, De Bruin had ordered that proceedings be conducted in Afrikaans, despite protestations from the state prosecutor that he didn’t understand the language and therefore couldn’t prosecute the case.

    The farmers, Jan George van der Wath, 58, of Goedehoop farm in Utrecht, and Jacobus Johannes Uys, 56, of Potgietersust farm, were arrested in October 2005 after allegedly kidnapping Bongani Ndlovu and Thulani Sithole and taking them to an army base near Gluckstadt.

    There they were seriously assaulted, and suffocated with plastic bags.

    Ndlovu later committed suicide, saying in a note that he had done so because he had been punished for a crime he didn’t commit.

    The perceived bias of the justice system towards white farmers in the conservative towns of Vryheid, Utrecht, Newcastle and Dannhauser has sparked outrage among rural communities and farm dwellers.

    It has also prompted KwaZulu-Natal’s MEC for Transport, Community Safety and Liaison, Bheki Cele, to establish a special task team to re-investigate about 100 cases of farm assaults in those areas, dating from 2002.

    Cele conceded in an interview with the Sunday Times that there was a problem with policing in Vryheid and that the local police station was perceived to be a “volkstaat.”

    He said the KwaZulu-Natal Cabinet had formed a farm security committee under the auspices of the provincial Agriculture Department, which would look at the issue of human rights violations on farms

    KwaZulu-Natal Agricultural Union president Robin Barnsley said his organisation would not support any illegal activity by farmers.

    “If there are any illegal activities perpetrated by farmers, the law must take its course. But our fundamental premise is that facts [about such illegal activities] must be put on the table.

    “We’ve raised the matter with the provincial MEC for Agriculture, Mtholephi Mthim- khulu, about the need for this issue to be high on the agenda of the provincial Land Forum to be launched within two weeks.”

    Allegations of farm abuse and increasing brutality towards farm workers are not confined to KwaZulu-Natal and seem to be prevalent throughout the country.

    Last week a Pretoria farmer was arrested for allegedly injecting his employee with medicine meant for pigs after he asked for time off to see a doctor.

    Farm labourer Rams Madibogo, 23, from Atteridgeville, alleged that the farmer’s friends had offered him R4000 to drop the case.

    In another incident, a Limpopo farmer, Johan van Niekerk, 69, was arrested and charged with the murder of Richard Mkhari, whose decomposed body was found tied to a tree with a rope on Vygeboom farm.

    He had been missing since he went hunting on the farm and Van Niekerk had been charged with his kidnapping.

    This incident and others of abuse faced by farm workers have prompted the South African Human Rights Commission to have a fresh look at relations between farmers and farm dwellers.

    The persistently appalling conditions faced by farm workers will be recounted before public hearings on human rights violations on farms, convened by the commission next month.

    Commission chairman Jody Kollapen said the organisation had been inundated with complaints of human rights viola tions on farms and decided to hold public hearings over three days.

    The hearings are a follow-up to the commission’s 2003 initial inquiry into human rights violations on farms, which highlighted the appalling conditions endured by farm workers.

    The inquiry painted a disturbing picture of South Africa’s countryside, characterised by grim living and working conditions, physical assaults on farm workers and frequent evictions.

    Many of these problems persist, and relations between different farming communities remain fragile.

    “We thought it would be correct to revisit the work that we did then,” said Kollapen.

    “ The most critical issues we identified are land issues, relations and human rights violations. But relations remains the most difficult issue,” he said .

    He said there appeared to be a systemic problem in Vryheid and surrounding areas, which may warrant a separate hearing in that area.

    AgriSA, on the other hand, believes that it is farmers who are under siege .

    In a statement posted on its website last month, the agricultural union said that during the past year the farming community had been more vulnerable than in previous years, with an increase of almost 25% in farm attacks.

    However, scores of ANC and tripartite alliance marchers who took to the streets of Vryheid on Friday last week in protest against farm abuse in the area would have none of that.

    Among other things, the marchers demanded transformation of the judiciary in Vryheid and that the local police service be overhauled to reflect the demographics of the area.

    They also demanded that all cases that “disappeared” from the hands of police in the past few years in Vryheid be reinvestigated and the perpetrators brought to book.

    One of the marchers related the story of a local farmer who did not allow workers to use a footpath near his forest.

    When the farmer found someone on the footpath he would take them back to where they had come from, said the woman.

    “We’ve used this path for years and the previous farmer didn’t have a problem with that. Now there’s this new farmer who doesn’t want us to use it. These are some of the problems we are subjected as farm dwellers,” she said.

  • игрыдла дэвочэкпрокурор Фильчаков

    ‘n Fransman met ‘n nare plan…

    Om bedelaars te verhoed om die middedorp te ontsier, het die burgemeester van Argenteuil, Frankryk, ‘n ordonansie uitgereik op 6 Augustus wat sal geld tot 2012. Die UMP-bergemeester, George Mothron, het ook nie daar opgehou nie. Werknemers van die munisipaliteit, wat graag anoniem wil bly, het nou met die hele sak patats vorendag gekom.

    Die burgemeester het naamlik in Julie ‘n chemiese produk aangekoop wat bedelaars en dakloses uit die dorp sal hou. Die werknemers van die munisipaliteit is aangesê om die produk oral in die middedorp aan te wend waar ongewensdes aanwesig is. Die produk staan bekend as Malodore, wat min of meer as slegruik beteken.

    Nadat die munisipale werkers egter die aanwysings op die kartonverpakking gelees het, het hulle besluit om die opdrag nie uit te voer nie. Daar staan "dat die produk toksies is en ‘n irritant en dat ‘n mens dit nie moet inasem nie," sê die anonieme werknemer. Werknemers "sal graag van rotte ontslae raak, maar nie dakloses nie", het die persoon bygevoeg.

    Uiteindelik is die produk direk aan die skoonmakers oorhandig wat dit op "probleemareas" aangewend het. Volgens die vervaardiger, Firchim, is dit nie "gevaarlik" nie. Die konsentraat moet eers verdun word en dan aangespuit word. Dit veroorsaak naarheid en die behandelde areas is vir ten minste ‘n paar weke ontoeganklik.

    Sedert 2005 stel die burgemeester van Argenteuil maatreëls vas sodat bedelaars nie die middedorp binnekom nie. Die owerhede het in 2005 egter so ‘n maatreël geskrap wat verwys het na die "abnormale olfaktiewe steuring" wat daklose mense veroorsaak.

    новогодний костюм ёлочкилобановский александр компромат

    Invloed van Iranse weermag brei uit

    Image

    Genl. Afshar

    Generaal Alireza Afshar gaan die raadgewer van die Iranse president Ahmadinejad, Mosjtaba Samareh Hasjemi vervang. Die Staatstelevisie het Sondag die aankondiging gemaak. Die nominasie dui daarop dat die invloed van die ideologiese toesighouers, naamlik die Rewolusionêre Wag, toegeneem het. Die Wag was onlangs in die nuus nadat die VSA bekend gemaak het dat hulle dit oorweeg om die Wag op hul lys van terreurorganisasies in te sluit.

    Afshar word as die éminence grise onder Iran se besluitnemers gereken. Dit word as ‘n sleutelpos in die regering beskou omdat hy daarvoor verantwoordelik sal wees om die komense verkiesing te reël. Die parlementêre verkiesings vind in 2008 plaas.

    Die generaal sal ook gedeeltelik verantwoordelik wees vir die 30 provinsies se goewerneurs en hy staan aan die hoof van die liggaam wat lisensies aan nie-regeringsorganisasies asook poltieke partye uitreik. Hy is een van die president se vertrouelinge.

    Die Rewolusionêre Wag, oftewel die die Pasdaran – die Farsi-woord vir "wag" – is die grootste vertakking van die Islamitiese republiek se weermag. Afshar het die beste deel van sy loopbaan aan die Pasdaran gewy en hy het tot onlangs as adjunk van die bevelvoerder van die weermag gedien. Hy was gemoeid met kultuursake in daardie hoedanigheid.

    President Ahmadinejad, wat sedert 2005 die regering lei, was ook voorheen ‘n lid van die Pasdaran. Afshar het ook tussen 2003 en 2005 as Ahmadinejad se raadgewer opgetree toe hy as burgemeester van Teheran gedien het. Die twee here was saam op universiteit. Afshar het tydens die Iran-Irak konflik (1980 – 1988) as woordvoerder vir die Iranse weermag opgetree.

    Hy is daarna as hoof van die Immam Hossein-universiteit aangestel. Dié universiteit is hoofsaaklik gemoeid met die opleiding van Pasdaran-leiers.

    установка газового отопления в квартиреДанильченко Юрий Харьков

    Oz unveils immigrant test

    Australia has unveiled details of a new citizenship test for immigrants.

    They will be asked questions about history, institutions and culture – as well as committing to Australian social values focusing on "mateship".

    The aim of the test was to get "that balance between diversity and integration correct in future", said Immigration Minister Kevin Andrews.

    Critics believe the requirement of an English language exam discriminates against non-English speakers.

    The new citizenship test is expected to be introduced later this year.

    The details were unveiled in a 40-page draft guide that is to be given to all applicants.

    The prospective citizen will have to give a correct answer to 12 out of 20 questions – drawn from a total of about 200.

    Some elements will almost certainly be beyond the knowledge of many ordinary Australians, says the BBC’s Nick Bryant in Sydney.

    They include knowing the country’s first prime minister or when European settlers arrived in Australia – or what the opening line of the national anthem is. Another one could be related to the nation’s most important horse race.

    Applicants who fail the test will be allowed to re-sit the examination.

    But Kate Gauthier, national co-ordinator of refugee support group A Just Australia, criticised the government for introducing a citizenship exam.

    "If they want to have Australia be more integrated they should spend more money on programs that achieve that instead of punishing people who are having trouble achieving that [integration] because they have language barriers and are recovering from things like torture," she was quoted as saying to the Sunday Herald Sun newspaper.

    For the first time, the draft guide lists 10 essential Australian values every citizen must embrace – focusing on "mateship and a fair go" and including tolerance, compassion, freedom of speech, freedom of religion and secular government, equality of men and women and peacefulness.

    It describes Australia as "a nation at ease with the world and itself", but it expects potential citizens to respect Australia’s core values.

    "Australia has a strong tradition of mateship in which people help and receive help from others voluntarily, especially in times of adversity," it says.

    "A mate can be a spouse, partner, brother, sister, daughter, son or friend. A mate can be a stranger."

    The formulation caused controversy in 1999 when voters rejected an attempt by Prime Minister John Howard to have the concept written into the preamble to the constitution.

    It was criticised as too sexist, or inappropriate for a formal document. справкаФільчаков прокурор

    Mbeki val ‘onetiese media’ aan

    President Thabo Mbeki het Vrydag woedend gereageer op berigte in die Business Day dat SAOG-lande die probleme in Zimbabwe geïgnoreer het om solidariteit tussen lidstate te bevorder. Hy het na ‘n "totaal gefabriseerde storie" in die koerant verwys. Die storie maak melding van ‘n vergadering in Lusaka "wat nooit plaasgevind het nie".

    Hy het bygevoeg dat dit algemeen is vir sekere media-instellings in Suid-Afrika om oneties op te tree en nuus en inligting uit hul duime te suig en vir die waarheid aan te bied. Die koerant het blykbaar ‘n verdeeldheid tussen lidstate voorgehou en ‘n verlamming onder leiers om Zimbabwe aan te spreek waargeneem tydens ‘n vergadering wat nooit plaasgevind het nie.

    "Die vyandige aanklag dat ons lande roekeloos hul oë weggedraai het van die probleme van Zimbabwe omrede hulle solidariteit wou aanmoedig, was nog altyd ‘n stuk propaganda wat alle denkende mense as sulks sal herken." Hy het ook gesê dat Zimbabwe se probleme Suid-Afrika se probleme is, maar dat Zimbabwe ongekwalifiseerde respek vir sy onafhanklikheid en die reg van sy mense om oor hul lot te besluit, verdien

    Suid-Afrika en die Gemeenskap sal onder geen omstandighede soos ‘n supermag optree nie en sal nie die reg tot selfbeskikking van die mense van Zimbabwe wegneem soos "imperiale Brittanje" gedoen het nie, het hy voortgegaan.

    детские белые футболки без рисунка купитьтопкарго развод

    Ter nagedagtenis aan die NP

    ImageDit is moeilik om vandag te verstaan hoe sentraal, hoe effektief, en hoe lank, die Nasionale Party politiek in Suid Afrika oorheers het.  Net so moeilik is dit om mense te kry wat vandag sou erken dat hulle vir die party gestem het, of wie vir die party gewerk het, of wat finansiele steun gegee het.

    Dit is egter maklik om oordrewe standpunte oor die party in die pers te lees.‘n Bekende rubriekskrywer skryf onlangs in Beeld oor ‘n vorige leier van die Nasionale Party soos volg: “Die feit is dat Mugabe bloot ’n onaangename diktator is. Net soos Mussolini, P.W. Botha, Pol Pot, Augusto Pinochet en Sani Abacha was.”  Hoe Botha in dieselfde lysie tussen Pol Pot en Mussolini beland sal net Beeld se redaksie weet, hulle gee immers duime kolomspasie aan kommentators van die soort kaliber en ondersteun derhalwe die standpunt.

    Ten spyte hiervan, was die Nasionale Party, soos Inus Aucamp en Johan Swanepoel in hulle boek "Einde van ‘n Groot Party" opmerk, ‘n party wat oorweldigend uit eerbare mense bestaan het.  Mense wat met eerlike bedoelings, opregte motiewe, en met dekades se harde werk, onvergoed gewerk het om armoedige toestande onder Afrikaners te verlig, om Afrikaans te bevorder, en om Afrikaners hulle selfrespek terug te gee na die verskrikking van die Anglo-Boereoorlog 1899-1902.

    Wat het dan verkeerd gegaan?  Hoe kon die politieke party, met sy primêre missie as die opheffing van Afrikaners (‘n eerbare doel), so mistas en tekens van die tye so verkeerd lees? Soveel so dat die Party nie net op die kantlyn gerangeer is deur sy eie ondersteuners nie,  maar dat dit selfs deur sy eie verkose lede die doodskoot toegedien is?  En om vandag steeds die teiken te wees van ‘n re-evaluasie en herskrywing van geskiedenis met die doel om die party soortgelyk aan Mussolini se Fascisme te stel, en sy leiers, Verwoerd of Botha, gelyk aan Mussolini of Pol Pot?

    Die oorsprong van die Nasionale Party kom vanuit die eerste dekades na die Anglo-Boereoorlog.  ‘n Verarmde, verslane en magtelose Boer het die party as ‘n meganisme gesien om dit te herstel wat in die oorlog verlore gegaan het. Afrikaners, veral Boere, was in die eerste dekades van die twintigste eeu net ‘n skadu van wat hulle in die Boererepublieke was.  Die republieke is tot voortreflike instellings opgebou oor drie geslagte, maar word met die ontdekking van goud en gevolglike migrasie die teiken van Britse Imperialiste. Die Britte vernietig die state in die Anglo-Boereoorlog wat ‘n generasie Boere van al hulle bates, families en kinders sou ontneem, en wat hulle verarm en eensaam, en sonder bates soos skole, banke, en besighede sou laat.  Die Boer in die 1902-1920 was ‘n brandarm en verwese mens in ‘n verskroeide landskap, sonder die simpatie van Europeërs of ander inwoners van die destydse Britse Empaaier.

    Uit hierdie omstandighede moet die Nasionale Party se ontstaan as ‘n party wat Afrikanerbelange eerste stel verstaan word.  Dit is weliswaar die geval dat Boere en Afrikanerleiers (Louis Botha en Jan Smuts) leidende rolle in Unie van Suid Afrika gespeel het, en dat staatsbates wel deur hulle aangewend is om Afrikaners in die Unie ‘n helpende hand te gee – daarom het baie Afrikaners Smuts en Botha as helde gesien en hulle ondersteuning vir Smuts en Botha se visie van ‘n Verenigde Suid Afrika in die Britse Statebond was diep-gesetel selfs in die Vrystaat en die Transvaal, ten spyte van voortdurende bitterhede oor die oorlog.

    Die Nasionaliste het egter ‘n ander visie gehad, wat verder as net Smuts en Botha se versoening gestrek het.  Nasionaliste wou nie net aan Afrikaners hulle eer teruggee nie, maar wou ook vir selfbeskikking vir die Afrikaner stry, in sy eie land, asof ‘n Boererepubliek weer die lig sou kon sien.  Die nasionalistiese impuls onder Afrikaners het reeds vroeg in die twintigste eeu uiting gekry in die totstandkoming van Afrikaanse instellings soos Helpmekaar, en het later beslag gekry in Afrikaansmediumuniversiteite (byvoorbeeld Potchefstroom) asook besighede soos Volkskas (wat gebou is met die pennies wat brandarm kaalvoet Afrikanerkinders gebring het om te spaar).  Dit is onder dié omstandighede dat Afrikaners kollektief besluit het om hulle taal en kultuur self te bevorder, dat dit edel is om mekaar te help, en dat samehorigheid resultate lewer. Hierdie impulse het ‘n plek gevind in die Nasionale Party, en in organisasies soos die Broederbond (deesdae die Afrikanerbond), wat nog altyd en nog steeds, vol eerbare mense is wat hulle beste probeer in moeilike omstandighede.  Met die oorwinning van die party in 1948, begin die party sy beleid formuleer rondom sy basiese missie.  Afrikaans word in die staatsdiens ingevoer, afsonderlike onwikkeling om Afrikaners self-beskikking in hulle eie gebiede te gee word ingestel, met die vooruitsig dat self-regerende swart state onafhanklikheid gaan kry.

    Die beleid staan later bekend as apartheid.  Die gevolglike geskiedenis is goed bekend, en duur tot ongeveer 1990, toe die Nasionale Party erken dat dit onuitvoerbaar is, en dat ‘n nuwe weg gebaan moet word om Suid Afrika konstitusioneel te orden.  Gedurende die periode groei die ANC tot ‘n sterk swart nasionalistiese organisasie, word Nelson Mandela in die tronk gegooi, en vind die skietery by Sharpville en die Soweto-onluste plaas. Uiteindelik breek algemene onluste uit in die laat 1970s en dit duur onverpoos voort tot met kapitulasie in 1994.

    En aan die begin van die een-en-twintigste eeu val die Nasionale Party uiteen na ‘n dekade van katastrofes vir die party.  Hoekom het die party so snel ondergegaan?  Hoekom het die idee dat Afrikaners mekaar help, ‘n basiese beginsel onderliggend aan die party se missie, so skielik en heeltemal onaanvaarbaar onder so baie Afrikaners geword?  Waarom het die Nasionale Party sy basiese missie so heeltemal en so vinnig versaak? Hoekom het die idee om Afrikaners te verteenwoordig of kollektief te help, skandalig geword, soos telkens geïmpliseer in rubrieke wat Afrikaanse koerante plaas, en dus aangemoedig?

    Dat die Nasionale Party reeds vroeg na 1994 sy missie verander het, is bekend. In 1996 verklaar die party dat dit sy missie is om onder meer “’n gematigde, nie-rassige federale party” te wees wat hulle magsbasis onder “alle Suid-Afrikaners drasties” wil uitbrei.  Mens kan nie veel hiermee verkeerd vind nie, maar dit is tog intessant om op te merk hoe die party sy Afrikanerondersteuners feitlik reeds toe die rug gekeer het.  In ‘n onderhoud in 1996 verklaar ‘n bekende figuur in die party dat “As ons wil uitreik na swart ondersteuners, sal ons noodwendig hulle belange voorop moet stel”, soos gedokumenteer in Aucamp en Swanepoel se boek.  Met ander woorde, van die oorspronklike idee om Afrikaners te bemagtig het daar dadels gekom.  Die ANC, en die NP, gaan swart mense se belange vooropstel.  En miskien as gevolg van die nuwe missie, het die NP se ondersteuners, ontnugterd, die party begin verlaat om by die DA en die Vryheidsfront aan te sluit, om eerder aktief teen die ANC weerstand te bied.

    Intussen het die Volkstaatraad hulle werksaamhede voortgesit, maar het skynbaar geen ondersteuning uit die Nasionale Party ontvang nie.  Die verslag van die raad, wat veronderstel was om megamismes vir self-beskikking aan die Nasionale Party se historiese ondersteuners voor te stel is deur Nelson Mandela geïgnoreer, terwyl die Nasionale Party skynbaar ongesteurd voortgegaan het om maniere te vind om ondersteuning onder enige ander groep behalwe Afrikaners te werf, en later, as die Nuwe Nasionale Party, in die bed saam met die ANC te klim.  ‘n Meer eerlose kapitulasie en versaking van die Nasionale Party se basiese missie kan moeilik voorgestel word.

    Terwyl die finale woorde nog nie deur historici hieroor geskryf is nie, is dit ooglopend dat die Nasionale Party se ondersteuning onder wit Afrikaners begin afneem het toe die party weggeloop het van sy oorspronklike missie. Dit het die rede vir die Party se bestaan onder verdenking geplaas, en Nasionale Party ondersteuners wat eerstens teen die ANC gekant was, het oorgeloop DA toe, terwyl ondersteuners wat ‘n Afrikaner Party as noodsaaklik beskou om hulle belange te beskerm, oorgeloop het na die Vryheidsfront.

    Wie van die twee groepe op die langer duur bevredig gaan word deur hulle keuse, sal die toekoms nog leer.

    пародонтит лечение стоимостьАлександр Фильчаков