British minister detained

Britain’s first Muslim Minister has decribed his disappointment after he was detained at a US airport, where his hand luggage was analysed for traces of explosive materials.

Shahid Malik, MP for Dewsbury and International Development Minister, was returning to Heathrow after a series of meetings and talks on tackling terrorism, when he was stopped at Dulles Airport in Washington DC yesterday morning.

He was searched and detained by the Department of Homeland Security (DHS) – the same department whose representatives he had been meeting on his visit to the country.

Mr Malik said yesterday: "After a few minutes a couple of other people were also taken to one side. We were all Muslims – the other two were black Muslims, both with Muslim names."

Mr Malik said he was particularly annoyed as a similar thing happened to him last year, when he was detained for an hour at JFK airport in New York by the DHS.

This was despite the fact he was a keynote speaker at an event organised by the department, alongside the FBI and Muslim organisations in New York.

The theme of that speech was tackling extremism and defeating terrorism.

Mr Malik said he received numerous apologies and assurances from the USA authorities after that incident.

After his detention yesterday, which lasted about 40 minutes, he said: "I am deeply disappointed.

"The abusive attitude I endured last November I forgot about and I forgave but I really do believe that British Ministers and Parliamentarians should be afforded the same respect and dignity at USA airports that we would bestow upon our colleagues in the Senate and Congress.

"Obviously, there was no malice involved but it has to be said that the USA system does not inspire confidence."

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Czech landreform revisited

During the enforced nationalisation of the hard-line 1950s, one class who came in for particular persecution were the ‘kulaks’ or wealthier, propertied farmers. As part of their efforts to destroy them, the Communists are believed to have displaced over 4,000 such farming families. Now – a full 50 or more years later – there are moves to bring to justice some of those responsible for what has even been described as genocide.

1951 marked the trial of Josef Pazout – a wealthy farmer, or kulak, who stood accused of sabotage when he failed to produce the high yields of milk, pork, beef and eggs that the Communist government had demanded of him.

Mr. Pazout was one of hundreds of wealthier Czech farmers to be tried at the beginning of the 1950s, as part of ‘Akce K’ (‘Operation K’) – the government’s drive to wipe out the kulak. Otakar Raulim is from the Confederation of Political Prisoners. He explains: "These trials were the second stage of this operation – when they tried to show that there was a ‘reason’ for the persecution of kulaks. At first they just chose a group of people, around 4,000 families, which they displaced. They shunted them into different state-run cooperative farms, which were failing. These cases trying farmers for not meeting their quotas – that was a second phase."

At first, as Mr. Raulim explains, many kulaks weren’t even tried, but instead thrown out of their homes, as the state nationalised their land: "The majority of parents were sent to the gulags, while children and grandparents were taken off to the towns along the Czech-German border, which were uninhabited after WWII. There, they lived in misery and poverty. They slept like homeless people under bridges." Now, there are plans to bring those behind ‘Akce K’ and its implementation to trial. Mr. Raulim and the Confederation of Political Prisoners want charges of genocide to be brought against those tried.

But the man behind the prosecutions doesn’t agree. Jan Srb is from the Bureau for the Investigation and Documentation of Communist Crimes: "It would maybe be possible to bring charges of genocide against those who sat in government at the time, and who made the decisions. That would mean the Justice Minister, the Minister of National Security and the Minister of the Interior, who approved this bill to get rid of kulaks. But all of these people are dead now, and so for this reason we are not trying to charge anyone with genocide."

So, who is the Communist Crimes Bureau wanting to prosecute? "Those people who carried out these acts at a local level. The prosecutors, the village mayors and so on. These are the characters that we are trying to identify in each individual case, and then find out if they are still alive. And these are the people who might end up being tried, but most likely on charges of abuse of office."

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Olie uit klip

The Times, Londen, het berig dat ‘n toordokter in Zimbabwe die regering olie uit klip belowe het. Vir haar "ontdekking" het sy nie alleen 5 miljard Zimbawiese dollar (R1 miljoen) ontvang nie, maar ook ‘n plaas, voedsel en dienste. Nomatter Tagarira is voorts ‘n stel lyfwagte aangebied om haar en haar "vonds" te beskerm in die Chinhoyi-distrik, 100km van Harare. Zimbabwe ondervind steeds ‘n ernstige brandstoftekort.

Die olie-uit-klip-wonderwerk is na 15 maande egter ontrafel, nadat Tagarira kabinentministers, polisiehoofde en weermagpersoneel oortuig het dat olie uit ‘n sekere klip vloei indien dit geslaan word. Dit blyk nou dat die klip per pyp verbind was aan ‘n ou dieselopslagplek wat uit die Rhodesiese bosoorlog van die sewentigerjare dateer waar ‘n helper van die toordokter die kraantjie op ‘n teken beheer het. Die toordokter se ondergrondse tenk het egter leeggeloop en vir haar toertjie was sy toenemend afhanklik van vragmotorbestuurders vir diesel om die tenk te bly aanvul.

Die regering het in Junie besluit dat haar beweringe genoeg substansie bevat om ‘n "taakspan" af te vaardig om ondersoek in te stel, maar nooit daaraan gedink dat ‘n enkele geoloog ook ewe goed uitsluitsel sou kon gee nie. Die groep het klaarblyklik bestaan uit politici en weermaglede, aangevoer deur die adjunk-polisiekommissaris. Die eerste verslag aan Mugabe se politburo was dat die diesel-uit-die-klip vragmotors sonder probleme laat funksioneer.

Dit is nie die eerste keer dat Mugabe van toordokters gebruik maak om die bevolking te beheer nie. In 1981 het hy gebruik gemaak van Sophia Mbuya Nehanda om sy veldtog om wittes uit die land te verdryf van stapel te stuur. Deur ‘n destydse vertroueling, die minister van gesondheid Herbert Sylvester Ushewokunze, is die moorde op die Afrikaanse Roux-egpaar van Mkwari met behulp van die toordokter beplan. In die hofsake wat daarna gevolg het, het die beskuldigdes en hul handlangers openlik na die haatlike Afrikaners verwys.

Die Van As-moorde by Mudspruit was ‘n voorsetting van dié veldtog. Ten spyte van Ushewokunze se betrokkenheid en die feit dat hy sy eie milisie bedryf het, is hy uiteindelik bevorder en deur Brittanje as vennoot erken. Lord Soames se onderhandelaars wat, nadat hulle met oorweldigende getuienis van die anti-wit veldtog gekonfronteer is, het die versekering gegee dat anti-wit voorstanders van ZANU PF voortaan verbied sal word. Brittanje het egter destyds nie by dié onderneming gehou nie en Mugabe sterk bly ondersteun.

Net soos Tagarira is Nehanda ook uiteindelik aangekla. Haar groeiende invloed het ‘n bedreiging ingehou vir Mugabe. Die daaropvolgende heraanstelling van Ushewokunze in Mugabe se regering het die Los Angeles Herald Examiner op 18 Augsutus 1984 genoop om ‘n artikel onder die opskrif: "Do we want South Africa to become another Zimbabwe?" te publiseer. Brittanje het weliswaar meer as 20 jaar gehad om te reageer teen Mugabe se vergrype waartydens hulle nie ‘n vinger veroer het nie.

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Darfoer-onderhandelinge sukkel voort

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Pessimistiese Kadhafi

Onderhandelaars wat poog om ’n einde te bring aan vier jaar van geweld in die wes-Soedanese streek Darfoer, het Sondag voortgegaan met die gesprek ten spyte van Moammar Kadhafi se uitspraak dat die onderhandelinge gedoem is tot mislukking.

Die Soedanese regering het ’n wapenstilstand aangekondig toe die nuwe rondte samesprekings Saterdag begin het, maar agt rebellegroepe het besluit om die vergadering, wat deur die Afrika-unie (AU) en Verenigde Nasies (VN) geborg word, te boikot.

“Ons kan nie op hierdie stadium oor sukses of mislukking praat nie. Die belangrikste is dat die proses begin het,” het Noureddine Mezni, woordvoerder van die Afrika-unie, gesê. Daar word steeds gehoop dat die afwesige rebellegroepe oorreed kan word om wel deel te neem. Net ses kleiner rebellefaksies neem tans aan die onderhandelinge deel en selfs hulle het junior verteenwoordigers gestuur. Die ses groepe het hierdie naweek ’n gesamentlike verklaring uitgereik waarin hulle ’n beroep op die bemiddelaars in die proses doen om ’n tydskedule uit te werk met betrekking tot onderhandelinge met die groepe wat tans die proses boikot. Hulle dring daarop aan dat niemand in die proses uitgelaat moet word nie en wil graag ’n herhaling verhoed van die Abuja-ooreenkoms in 2006 toe een rebellegroep ingestem het tot ’n ooreenkoms met die regering maar die ander groepe geweier het om die dokument te teken.

Kadhafi, wat die gesprek Saterdag geopen het, het gesê dat die afwesige Soedanese Bevrydingsbeweging en die Beweging vir Geregtigheid en Gelykheid van kardinale belang vir die vredesproses in Darfoer is. “Ek beskou hulle leiers soos my seuns, selfs al is hulle ongehoorsaam, maar sonder hulle kan ons nie vrede bereik nie.” Hy het voorgestel dat die beraad beëindig word en het selfs klappe uitgedeel na die AU en VN, wat volgens hom nie bevoeg is om “’n etniese konflik” te besleg nie.

Sowat 200 000 mense is die afgelope vier jaar in die konflik dood en twee miljoen is haweloos gelaat.

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Geen Bokondersteuners in Soweto

Verlede week het die Engelse media ‘n bykans histeriese veldtog geloods om druk te plaas op die Springbokke om ook na Soweto te gaan. Koerantopskrifte in publikasies soos The Star en Pretoria News het ten hemele geprotesteer oor die besluit om die optog deur Soweto te skrap.

Die Springbokke sou glo ‘n "gulde geleentheid vir nasiebou" misgeloop het deur nie deur Soweto te ry nie. Visioene is geskep van 99.8% van Soweto se bevolking, selfs oues van dae en diegene op krukke, wat die paaie sou bestrooi met palmtakke in hul ongelooflike entoesiasme om hul helde te sien.

Die SAUK berig egter vanoggend dat die optog deur Soweto kwalik enige belangstelling ontlok het. Die bus het dit nie eens nodig gevind om stil te hou nie, en is stilletjies, indien nie druipstert nie, na Houghton. Daar was volgens die SAUK glo slegs "enkele" belangstellendes. In Houghton het die Springbokke met walglike politieke korrektheid dit nodig gevind om ‘n "Black Power" saluut – ‘n gebalde vuis – saam met ‘n kens ou terroris te gee.

Volgens die SAUK is die reën moontlik te blameer vir die inwoners van Soweto se volslae gebrek aan entoesiasme. Van die feit dat dit ook in Pretoria gereën het tydens die optog, en dat daar desnieteenstaande wel groot belangstelling in Pretoria was, word egter geen woord gerep nie.

Die Engelse media wat so te velde getrek het teen die besluit om die optog af te las, het Maandag geen woord gerep oor die totale mislukking wat die optog in Soweto was nie. Hieroor hoef ons nie verbaas te wees nie, gegewe dat die gewaande swart entoesiasme vir rugby en warm gevoelens van sogenaamde nasionale samehorigheid, blote verbeeldingsvlugte van propagandasaaiende, Engelse joernaliste is.

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Can Afrikaners and ESSAs forge a common future?

ImageWhereas only 50% of Afrikaners voted “yes” in 1992’s fateful referendum, English-speaking South Africans overwhelmingly supported the notion of negotiations, if not surrender, to the ANC. Since then many Afrikaners have become so disillusioned with their lack of language and cultural rights in the New South Africa, as well as land reform, crime and anti-white discrimination that probably the vast majority are opposed to the current system in which they have been stripped of all power and influence.

Since 1994, most ESSAs have basked in the increasing domination of English and Anglo-American culture and we have seen their concerns diverging significantly from those of Afrikaners. They seem to be happy with the pursuit of a privatised existence where personal wealth, personal safety in a gate community and personal healthcare in a private hospital are the main goals.

It may be my imagination, but in recent times the same degree of disillusion appears to have crept into ESSA conversations and attitudes as can be readily found among Afrikaners. Over recent weeks, I have received several letters from ESSAs requesting my view on some future Afrikaner-English rapprochement. I recall having written such a piece a few years ago in Focus, the Helen Suzman Foundation’s mouthpiece which did not even cause a ripple.

Recently a gentleman from Natal, Chris Moore, wrote a letter to me in which he asked some forthright questions:

“You make a lot of sense in many of the things that you say on your website about the country and the ANC government.

I am just not sure I understand your ESSA attitude ?  Do you not like English-speaking South Africans ?

If so WHY is this ?

Do you think that we do not have a place in SA ?  Do we not feel ‘African’ any more or less than others ?

Will we not fight just as much as anybody else to retain our place in Africa ?

Do we not have as long and as hard a history in Southern Africa as anybody else ?

I would be interested to know why you and many other ‘Afrikaners’ have this idea of an exclusively ( and exclusive )  ‘Afrikaans’  national identity ?

Do you think that it makes any difference to the murdering , killing , raping , thieving perps whether you are English or Afrikaans-speaking?"

In my reply to Chris Moore, I made it clear that I did not have anything against English-speaking South Africans. Many of them are decent, law-abiding intelligent people who have also made a real contribution to this country. Perhaps my experience studying at Wits for a long time during the heyday of English radicalism in the late seventies and early eighties has something to do with it, but over the last few years I have increasingly sensed that there is no longer any form of white nation in this country, despite all the effort that was put into it from 1910-1994. Notwithstanding my piece for the Helen Suzman foundation in which I pleaded for some form of cooperation among white South Africans, given that we are all victims of violence and ANC race policies.

Some form of English mea culpa should, in my opinion, also be forthcoming before such cooperation could take place. English countries generally have distinguished themselves in never succumbing to totalitarianism of either the left-wing or the right-wing variety during the twentieth century, unlike Germany, Russia and others. Except South Africa where a significant part of the English-speaking elite like the academics, journalists and clerics first espoused some form of communism which they wanted to see implemented in South Africa and then a radical form of multiculturalism or Africanism that is in essence anti-white, anti-Western and especially anti-Afrikaans. Even the English business and advertising people have taken to this idea of Africanism and routinely portray whites and Afrikaners in particular as morally and intellectually inferior to blacks. Just watch some of the Vodacom advertisements on TV. Increasingly, our English-speakers seem to be taking over the worst of what is available in the rest of the anglophone world, such as the climate of intolerance and political correctness at American universities.

A lot of the propaganda and ideology put out by the ANC is written by English-speaking academics, some of them even from Britain. Without this sustained and intricate propaganda, creating an "alternative reality" in South Africa, most of the extremist transformation policies such as "land reform", "broad-based black economic empowerment", etc., would not have been possible. Of course, there are many Afrikaners also participating in this propaganda effort directed against the indigenous white population, but somehow they seem to have adopted this "English" world-view and have actually ceased to refer to themselves as Afrikaners even though they might still speak Afrikaans occasionally. An example would be Dirk du Toit, the deputy minister of agriculture, who is even more viciously disposed to our farmers than the Xhosas in the cabinet.

Of course, the English-speaking population of Natal where Chris Moore lives is different, being more conservative than the progressive or radical elites of Johannesburg and Cape Town. But on my various visits to Natal and especially Durban, I have always had the sense that they see themselves as different and with very little interest in the rest of South Africa and especially in us. I may be corrected, but Afrikaans was only introduced in Natal fairly late as far as I recall, probably under the National Party, and it never really took hold, unlike in the rest of the country where most English-speakers are bilingual or have at least a passive knowledge of Afrikaans.

A knowledge of English is naturally an advantage in international communication and probably many Afrikaners have benefited from exposure to English. However, there are several negatives as well. One is that the centres of English culture lie far outside South Africa so that no matter what our local reality, the English or American view of Africa and Africans will always predominate in English books, TV documentaries and so on. Some people are starting to compare American political correctness and sensitivity around racial issues with the climate that once held sway in the ex-Soviet Union where dissidents were considered a threat to society. The fairly innocuous remarks made last week by geneticist James Watson, a former Nobel prize-winner, is a case in point. His suggestion that Africans might not perform, on average, as well in IQ tests as whites (which is a proven scientific fact) elicited hysterical reactions in America, causing him to cancel his entire lecture tour in Britain. Everywhere we are surrounded with Hollywood poison portraying whites as weak or criminally-minded individuals and blacks as courageous, moral and intelligent, fit to govern or to be police chiefs over subordinate whites.

The absurd system that favours blacks over whites in South Africa is in fact nothing but the implementation of this Anglo-American world-view that we encounter almost every day in the media, in books and in the grovelling posture of British and American politicians whenever they are confronted with Africans. There are few sights more sickening than seeing a video or photo of Jack Straw in the company of some African politician or dictator. It is highly surprising that Gordon Brown does not want to share a conference with Mugabe, but then who else but Britain installed Mugabe in the then Rhodesia in the first place?

Following from the above, I would say that my feeling that Afrikaners should "go it alone" in this current struggle for survival is based on a number of considerations:

1. It is difficult enough to maintain one’s identity as a white African without having to compete with the images broadcast from the U.S. and Britain, exalting blacks, as well as the virtues of race-mixing and the multicultural society.

2. Similarly, there is a huge amount of distrust between Afrikaners themselves which will only be exacerbated by the presence of significant numbers of English-speakers in our movement.

3. Historically, the record of English-Afrikaans cooperation in SA is poor, having mostly been at loggerheads for the last 200 years. The old conscription system brought young white men together in the army and gave them something of a common identity, but that inchoate "South Africanism" did not survive even a few years of ANC rule.

4. Probably for English-speakers the major issues are security and economic survival in the face of anti-white legislation. Very few English-speakers, if any, have noticed the huge cultural and ideological changes that have taken place over the last few years and that may actually be more destructive regarding our long-term presence here than a few affirmative-action laws. The assault on the Afrikaans language and institutions has gone to the core of our being and everything our forefathers stood for and fought for. In this fight we can expect very little support from English-speakers.

5. Ultimately, we are not going to survive without political power and especially the ability to govern ourselves. We need to control at last some part of South Africa and stage a coherent national project there. Bilingual societies are invariably complex (compare Belgium and Canada) and under our circumstances probably unattainable. We would be lucky to gain some form of Afrikaner state in the near future, let alone a bilingual state for white people.

I may be wrong, but I am pessimistic about our ability to formulate common goals to strive for, let alone attain them. On the other hand, I can well see the possibility of international cooperation among Western peoples, be they English, French, German , Italian, Spanish or Dutch. But that kind of cooperation takes place at another level and without any impact on one’s local culture and identity.

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Mugabe lanceert spionnenschool

De Zimbabwaanse president Robert Mugabe heeft de werkzaamheden gelanceerd van een school voor het vergaren van inlichtingen, om het antwoord van zijn inlichtingendiensten aan westerse bedreigingen te verbeteren, zo heeft de staatskrant The Herald vrijdag gemeld.

"De verdediging van ons land lan niet worden overgelaten aan middelmatige agenten die niet in staat zijn de operationele omgeving te begrijpen en te analyseren", zei Mugabe volgens de krant bij het opstarten van de spionageschool in Mazowe, 40 km ten noorwesten van de hoofdstad Harare.

Voor de president komt de dreiging vooral uit Groot-Brittannië en de VS die een "veelheid actoren, in het bijzonder niet-gouvernementeel, aan het werk hebben gezet om ons land te destabiliseren".

De nationale spionageschool draagt de naam van de president die sinds 1980 aan de macht is. De lessen zijn bestemd voor geselecteerden uit het leger, de immigratie- en belastingdiensten en de veiligheidsdiensten van buurlanden.

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Rumsfeld flees France

Former US Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld fled France today fearing arrest over charges of "ordering and authorizing" torture of detainees at both the American-run Abu Ghraib prison in Iraq and the US military’s detainment facility at Guantanamo Bay, Cuba, unconfirmed reports coming from Paris suggest.

US embassy officials whisked Rumsfeld away yesterday from a breakfast meeting in Paris organized by the Foreign Policy magazine after human rights groups filed a criminal complaint against the man who spearheaded President George W. Bush’s "war on terror" for six years.

Under international law, authorities in France are obliged to open an investigation when a complaint is made while the alleged torturer is on French soil.

According to activists in France, who greeted Rumsfeld shouting "murderer" and "war criminal" at the breakfast meeting venue, US embassy officials remained tight-lipped about the former defense secretary’s whereabouts citing "security reasons".

Anti-torture protesters in France believe that the defense secretary fled over the open border to Germany, where a war crimes case against Rumsfeld was dismissed by a federal court. But activist point out that under the Schengen agreement that ended border checkpoints across a large part of the European Union, French law enforcement agents are allowed to cross the border into Germany in pursuit of a fleeing fugitive.

"Rumsfeld must be feeling how Saddam Hussein felt when US forces were hunting him down," activist Tanguy Richard said. "He may never end up being hanged like his old friend, but he must learn that in the civilized world, war crime doesn’t pay."

International Federation for Human Rights (FIDH) along with the Center for Constitutional Rights (CCR), the European Center for Constitutional and Human Rights (ECCHR), and the French League for Human Rights (LDH) filed the complaint on Thursday after learning that Rumsfeld was scheduled to visit Paris.

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Afrikaner-Israel sal nie werk met vreemde arbeid

Ek is nou wel nie ʼn filosoof nie, en my geloof sowel as die uitlewing van my kultuur en taal dalk nie wat dit behoort te wees nie. En tog is ek ook ʼn voorstander van die Afrikaner-kort-’n-Israel-gedagte. Die enigste rasionele rede wat ek hiervoor kan gee, is dat ek dit bloot geniet om saam met my eie mense te wees, hetsy sosiaal hetsy in ʼn werkopset; dit is natuurlik. Soos wat die Nuwe Suid-Afrika oor die volgende tien jaar verafrikaniseer gaan word en die ANC homself gaan ontbloot as net nog ʼn korrupte, swak Afrikaregering gaan die vraag wat in die komende paar jaar al hoe meer gevra gaan word nie wees, óf nie, maar hóé en wáár moet die “Israel” dan gestig word?

Sedert die dood van Dr HF Verwoerd het die Afrikaner nog nie werklik weer probeer om langtermynpolitiek aan te pak nie, Die meeste van die staat se rigting- en ideologiese veranderings was aan die hand van praktiese oorwegings en die werklikhede wat ons “nóú” in die gesig staar. Nie dat ek glo ons nie daartoe in staat is nie; dis net ʼn geval van samehorigheid wat ons nie kan bewerkstellig nie, en om dit te verkry moet mens eers ʼn werkbare plan hê.

As u my die geleentheid sal gee, wil ek bloot die elemente noem wat nodig is; die meeste hiervan ken u reeds – en daarvan is ek seker – hulle is al tot vervelens toe opgenoem, besing en bespot. In die eerste plek ʼn grondgebied waarin die Afrikaner die onweerlegbare meerderheid is en daar's hy! As dit maar so maklik was! Die probleem is natuurlik arbeid. Ons kan baie lank hieroor redekawel maar as die Afrikaner in so ʼn “Israel” nie sy eie arbeid kan verrig nie, gaan en sal dit nie werk nie. Die rede hiervoor is: jy gaan weereens met ʼn ideologie sit wat jy nie kan verdedig nie. Die ander lande wat wel van “nie-burgerarbeid” gebruik maak, word nou nie soos die bose ou Apartheid verdoem nie maar op die ou end koop hulle tog vir hulself ʼn Trojaanse perd. Of hoe meer suksesvol jy is, hoe groter bou daai digbewoonde volksvreemde buurtes reg om jou op; jy gee hom werk later begin hy sy eie besighede en skep werksgeleenthede vir net nog meer en dan as jy deur ʼn resessie gaan, kom die gevolge, ʼn inploffing van alles wat jy opgebou het. As ons more ʼn onafhanklike Afrikanervolkstaat uitroep en ʼn honderdduisend Afrikaners kom daarheen sal hulle net ʼn week later werksgeleenthede wil skep vir vyfhonderdduisend volksvreemdes.

Die winde van politieke verandering begin tans in Wes-Europa waai en ons huidige toestand moet vir hulle ʼn aanduiding wees van wat immigrasie oor die lang termyn ʼn volk kan aandoen. Die Afrikaner was nooit die enigste volk in die ou Transvaal en Vrystaatse republieke nie maar ons was ongetwyfeld teen die uitbreek van die Angelo-Boereoorlog die meerderheid in daardie republieke. In dié lig gesien, was ons as’t ware nie regs nie maar seker die mees progressiewe liberale volk ooit al het dit diskriminasie teen immigrante beteken.

So baie webblaaie en Afrikanerorganisasies probeer tans ʼn oplossing vir die Afrikaner en sy huidige lot bedink. As ons weer langtermynpolitiek as ʼn volk aandurf, asseblief, kom ons doen dit ordentlik en deursigtig. Ons hoef dit nie eens in ʼn enkele generasie af te handel nie. Vandag bly maar ʼn derde van alle Jode in die staat Israel; die ander dink die klimaat is te rof en die bure te onbeskof. ʼn Volk moet hom vestig waar dit eerstens moontlik is en tweedens moet hy dit dan ekonomies vir homself lewensvatbaar kan maak. Dit is in hierdie lig wat die meeste se planne platval en van alle organisasies is daar slegs een wat dit presies reg het: die Oraniabeweging.

Alle Afrikanersakemanne is dit eens as dit by die volkstaatgedagte kom: “die Afrikaner het net te veel belange in die res van die land”. Dit is dan hier waar ek gewoonlik begin verduidelik dat hulle die hele ding misverstaan. Ek wil nie hê hulle moet soontoe trek nie; ek wil hê hulle moet sterf! Stilte volg gewoonlik op dié standpunt maar dan luister hulle ten minste beter. Dit is nie vir jou nie, dit is ook nie werklik vir my nie, dit is om Afrikaners drie/vier generasies in die pad af ʼn kans te gee, om hulle te los met probleme waarvan ek net kan droom. Ek verwag van niemand om te trek wat nie wil trek nie; wat ek wel verwag is dat ons begin saamspan om werksgeleenthede en industrie te help skep vir dié wat wel wil gaan, en moenie ʼn fout maak nie: daar is baie. Die mees afskuwelike ding wat my pla is natuurlik dat dit die liberale Afrikaners is wat so negatief teenoor die gedagte is en nie swart Afrika nie. Dit is die liberale Afrikaner wat iemand wat daarheen trek radikaal noem; tog word iemand wat land-uit trek nie radikaal genoem nie. Hulle is dan verbaas as ʼn miljoen blankes binne tien jaar die land verlaat het, draai na hul “swart imperiale meesters” toe en dié verduidelik eenvoudig dat hulle net rassiste was. Die ergste van alles is dat party regses hulle veroordeel wanneer dit ongetwyfeld die enigste uitweg is.

Ek sal eerder deel wil wees van ʼn volk wat hardnekkig vir hom ʼn bestaan in die dorre Karoo uitkerf met sy eie arbeid as deel van ʼn volk wat vir sy eie waansin en luiheid betaal deur uit te sterf weens emigrasie of integrasie. Arbeid is en bly die sentrale punt by die skepping van ʼn volkstaat. Vir dié wat dink dat die skepping van so ʼn volkstaat tot geweld sal lei, kan ek net sê: As daar geweld gaan wees – waarvan ek natuurlik glad nie ʼn voorstander is nie – en as dit van die ander kant af kom, kan dit nie vermy word nie. Indien ons nie as ’n massa in ʼn volkstaat woon nie, sien ek nie ʼn oorwinning nie. Daar moet in gedagte gehou word dat die regerende party die een is wat met die weermag sit, dat dit ons is wat gehate is onder die ander volke en om dit alles te kroon bykans geen politieke mag het nie. Nee in ’n geweldsituasie voorspel ek bykans ons totale uitwissing; nóg die VSA, nóg die VN gaan hardloop om ons te red nie. Die feit dat ons wel oor groot ekonomiese mag beskik, maak ons net nog ʼn aantrekliker teiken en die feit dat ons oor heelwat spesialiskennis beskik, maak die “African” naar. Wat klink tog soeter in die oor van die swartman as: dis die witman se skuld, dis apartheid se skuld?

Al was al die ander volke in die land ook blank sou ons nie kon oorleef nie; daar is nie ʼn enkele voorbeeld in die geskiedenisboeke van ʼn volk wat in diaspora sukses behaal het nie, Demografie is alles. Die swart volke in die land doen niks verkeerd nie; dis ons wat in ʼn onnatuurlike toestand leef. Daardie toestand gaan tot ʼn einde kom – op die een manier of die ander.

Dinge in die land is besig om in ʼn rigting te begin beweeg, almal weet dit. Ons fluister vir mekaar as die “ander” nie by is nie. Die retoriek wat die meeste na vore kom, is: “Dit gaan nog baie slegter gaan voor dit beter sal gaan”, maar hoeveel slegter wil ons hê moet dit gaan? Waar is die draaipunt soos ’n Angola, Zimbabwe, Mosambiek, Burundi, kies maar vir jou een? Nee wat, kom ons begin eenvoudig om ons ekonomiese mag te gebruik om Orania se behuising, industrieë, grondgebied en plase met volkseie arbeid uit te brei.

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Grootste joiner: Roelf Meyer

Motivering: In 'n koshuiskamer by die RAU, net voor die groot referendum, het Roelf Meyer ons klein groepie studente belowe dat ons nie hoef te worry nie,  ons vlag sal nooit verander nie en ons sal altyd die Stem behou as ons volkslied.

Een uit twee is seker nie te sleg nie… As ons maar net geweet het wat om te vra sou ons hom sekerlik tot 'n groter leuenaar kon maak.

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