Een minuut oor twaalf

In 1982 het ek vir my ouers gesê dat ons die land moes verlaat en na Australië moes trek. In daardie dae was dit net PFP-gesindes wat vies was vir die apartheidsregering wat padgegee het, hoewel ’n kleiner groepie Afrikaners toe reeds die skrif aan die muur gesien het en begin het om die land te verlaat. My pa, ’n mediese chirurg, en my ma, wat onderhoof van ’n laerskool was, sou maklik tot Australië toegelaat word. Ons het menige aand hieroor gestry. Wanneer my ouers moeg geraak het vir my hardkoppigheid was die antwoord gewoonlik: “Die Bantoes gaan nie vannag oorneem nie; gaan slaap nou liewers.”

Hulle het my konstante gesanik oor Australië maar as die kinderlike obsessie van ’n 14-jarige gesien. Ek is uiteindelik gepaai met ’n pragtige panoramiese prent van die Sydney-operahuis wat in my kamer opgehang is. Dit was egter net olie op my vuur.

Hoewel ek hulle toe al gewaarsku het dat ’n swart regering binne tien jaar sou oorneem (ek was so 2 jaar uit met my berekening) en dat so ’n regering ons nie goedgesind sou wees nie, het hulle, soos meeste Afrikaners in daardie dae, geglo dat so iets onmoontlik was. Ek blameer nie vandag my ouers nie, want hulle was soos die meeste mense nie werklik polities ingestel nie. Soos baie Afrikanermans was my pa meer versot op sy geliefde sport rugby en my ma was op haar beurt baie doenig met haar werk en lewendige sosiale kring.

In die dae van PW Botha se ryk het die Afrikanerdom onoorwinbaar voorgekom. Enigiemand wat net beweer het dat die land eendag ’n swart president sou kry, is summier uitgelag, as kommunis bestempel of as effe van lotjie getik beskou.

Toe ek teësinnig begin deelneem het aan kadette is ek erg deur ons onderwyser betig: “Wat is fout met jou?” wou hy weet. “Nee, daar is nie fout nie,” het ek geantwoord. “Ek gaan Australië toe, en daar is nie Bantoes en dus ook nie kadette nie.” Hy was verbysterd.

My mede-leerlinge, in een van daardie gesogte Paarlse skole, het my menige kere uitgelag, en sommige onderwysers het gedink ek is ’n kommunis of selfs ’n AWB-fanatikus. Wat hulle nie verstaan het nie, was dat ek die land se toekoms en ons oorlewing hier werklik gevrees het. Dat anders as hulle, ek ’n donker wolk uit die noorde sien aankom het. Vir my was dit egter duidelik dat die lewe vir hulle net om die onmiddellike gegaan het. Hulle kon nie verder as die volgende rugbywedstryd sien nie. Ironies genoeg woon daardie slimmes wat die lekkerste gelag het en intussen dokters geword het, vandag in yskoue Kanada.

Selfs toe die verraaier De Klerk op Rooi Vrydag sy nou reeds beroemde aankondiging gemaak het, was daar miskien onder Afrikaners ’n mate van ongemaklikheid, maar is daar gou weer berusting gevind in die wete dat die NP die land nooit aan die swart massa sou oorgee nie.

’n Jaar gelede het Suid-Afrikaanse koerante die mening uitgespreek dat die Zimbabwiese ekonomie (wat toe reeds ’n inflasiekoers van 1000% had) op die rand van ’n ineenstorting was. My reaksie was dat die ineenstorting reeds plaasgevind het en dat hulle nou bloot d.m.v. onwettige immigrante in SA op ons ekonomie parasiteer. Zimbabwe se “ekonomie” is dus net ’n patetiese verlengstuk van ons eie. Ek lees so twee weke gelede in die befaamde Business Day dat die inflasiekoers in ons buurland nou op 15 000% staan, “op die rand van induiestort.” Daaroor kan mens net jou kop skud.

Hierdie week emigreer my broer, ’n mediese doktor van Kaapstad (daardie laaste hoopvolle vesting van blankedom in Suid Afrika) na Australië. Die verhuisingsmaatskappy vertel hom dat hulle (en dit is net een maatskappy) per maand 30 gesinne van Kaapstad buiteland toe verskuif. ‘n Vriendin verlaat Pretoria vir die Verenigde Koninkryk en haar verhuisingsdiens vertel weer dat hulle gemiddeld 120 gesinne per maand buiteland toe verskuif. Gister het ek my rekenmeester in Pretoria besoek. Hy het erg bekommerd gelyk. Ek vind toe uit dat dit nie my finansies is wat hom kwel nie, maar die feit dat soveel van sy kliënte die land verlaat dat hy ongemaklik oor die toekoms van sy besigheid begin voel. ’n Ander aspek wat hom pla, is dat so baie van sy kliënte ten duurste SEB-vennote in diens moet neem. Hierdie vennote voeg egter geen waarde toe en die een besigheid na die ander maak toe weens die parasiet wat die gasheer leeg suig.

Op pad huis toe vanaf die rekenmeester in Pretoria sien ek gistermiddag hoe swart massabehuising in die noord-ooste van Pretoria verrys. Op die snelweg val die aantal swartes agter die stuurwiele van BMW’s, Mercedese, Audis en ander eksklusiewe motors my op. Daarna draai ek op die Albertina Sisulu-hoofweg (wat op aarde het Mama Sisulu van siviele ingenieurswese verstaan?) om verby die OR Tambo-lughawe suidwaarts huis toe te ry. Ek neem toe die agterpaadjies via Boksburg na Germiston en ry daarna verby nimmereindigende plakkerskampe (van meesal onwettiges) wat drie jaar gelede nie daar was nie. Uiteindelik kom ek by die huis aan om deur my pragtige Prinsevlag, wat teen die fasade wapper, begroet te word. Vir ’n oomblik het ek asem geskep, maar terselfdertyd ook besef dat die koeël deur die kerk is.

Gereeld sê ons vir mekaar dat ons nou vinnig iets moet doen “want daar is min tyd oor.” Ek meen egter dat die tyd reeds verby is … Daar is eenvoudig nie meer tyd oor om Afrikaners op te roep om op een of ander vorm van outonomie aan te dring nie. In 1994 was hier ongeveer 5,5, miljoen blankes in SA. Ons is nou maar ongeveer 3,8 miljoen. Intussen het die swartes met ongeveer 12 miljoen toegeneem. Ons stede is deurweek met swart plakkerskampe en laermiddelklas swart behuisingsprojekte.

Die kans is verspeel en ons het hierdie rondte verloor. In sy wêreld van luukse winkelsentrums, sy viertrekvoertuig, DSTV, Supersport en rugby, sit die Afrikaner onbewus daarvan dat sy tyd verby is. Die horlosie het oorgeslaan. Dit is nou een minuut na twaalf.

My ma vertel dikwels hoe, toe sy nog ’n kind was, hulle op die Bolandse dorp waar sy grootgeword het noodoefeninge moes doen. Almal moes ’n sekere tyd in die aand ligte afskakel. Klaarblyklik is daar gevrees dat indien die veldslae van die Geallieerdes in Noord-Afrika sou misluk, die Axis-magte dan Suid Afrika sou teiken, soos wat die Japannese met Darwin, Australië, gedoen het. Haar pa (my oupa), wat ’n Duitse simpatiseerder was (hy het Berlyn in 1932 besoek en verlief geraak op die stad), was uiters depressief toe die berig per draadloos kom dat Unter den Linden platgeskiet is. My ma wou in haar kinderlike naïwiteit weet: “Waarom is Pa so ontsteld daaroor? Dis immers die vyand.” My oupa het geantwoord: “My kind, wat vandag vernietig is, is ’n enorme verlies vir die ganse wêreld.”

Maar Oupa, wat ’n denkende mens was, het ook oor ander sake depressief geraak. My ma vertel dat hy af en toe onder die veranda gaan sit het en dan voor hom uitgetuur het … My ma (die ewige optimis) sou dan vra: “Waarom is Pappa so neerslagtig?” Waarop Oupa sou antwoord: “My kind, ek is baie bekommerd oor julle en jul kinders se toekoms in hierdie land. Die swartes gaan nog ’n groot probleem in julle toekoms word. Daar is ’n vloedgolf op pad na ons stede en daarmee saam gaan enorme probleme kom.” Te verstane was my oupa verheug toe dr. Verwoerd aan bewind gekom het. Oplaas iemand met insig en ’n plan! Die sluipmoord op Verwoerd het hom egter so ontstel dat hy ’n week later aan ’n beroerte oorlede is.

Ek het nooit my oupa geken nie, maar voorwaar glo ek dat hy insig in ons situasie gehad het. Ek probeer nie hiermee te kenne gee dat ek Oupa se insig oorgeërf het nie, maar soos ek verstaan was hy ’n belese man wat homself op hoogte van gebeure gehou het. Ek glo dit is elkeen se plig om dit ook te doen. Tog weet ons dat slegs ’n klein persentasie van ons hiervan werk maak. Dit moet hier egter nie net om die kommunikasiemedia (boeke, TV, Internet, ens.) gaan nie; ons moet ook die wêreld om ons “lees” en interpreteer.

Wat sê die werklikheid vir jou?

Vandag meen my ouers: “Het ons maar net vroeg in die tagtigs na jou geluister…” My antwoord aan hulle is wat ek glo ons almal nou moet begin begryp: Ons gaan die massa materialistiese Afrikaners nie wakkermaak nie, hulle gaan waarskynlik op tragiese en dalk katastrofale wyse wakkergeskok word, maar ons wat die werklikheid begryp, wat besef dat ideologiese beïnvloeding van die Afrikaner ’n verlore saak is, moet nou kyk na wat te redde is en hoe dit gedoen kan word. Nóú moet ons die realiteit in die gesig staar en ophou droom.

Maar meer hieroor volgende week.

справкиФільчаков Олександр Васильович прокурор

Sarkozy wens Poetin geluk

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Knapgedaan!

Nicolas Sarkozy het dit pas byna onmoontlik gemaak vir die oorblywende 27 lidlande van die EU om verder druk op Poetin te plaas om sogenaamde verkiesingsbedrog te ondersoek ná die Russiese president se wegholoorwinning. Duitsland en die VSA was besonder krities oor die wyse waarop die verkiesing gevoer is en volgens wat berig word was George Bush nie baie vriendelik met sy Russiese ampsgenoot toe hy hom telefonies gelukgewens het nie. Die Franse president het Poetin egter hartlik geprys vir die tweederdemeerderheid wat hy behaal het.

 
Sarkozy se vriendelike ondersteuning van Wladimir Poetin sal ‘n gemeenskaplike posisie deur die EU bemoeilik omdat dit in skrille kontras met die Duitse houding teenoor Poetin staan. Portugal, wat tans die roterende presidentskap van die EU hou, het in ‘n versigtig bewoorde verklaring gesê dat alles nie volgens internasionale norme feil was nie, maar Rusland het vrywillig erken dat daar enkele probleme kon gewees het.
Voorts het die Portugese verklaar dat die media, opposisiepartye en nie-regeringsorganisasies in sekere gevalle "ingebind" was voor die verkiesing. "Gemeet aan ons maatstawwe en standaarde was dit geen vrye, geen gelyke en geen demokratiese verkiesing gewees nie," het Thomas Steg, Duitse regeringswoordvoerder volgehou. Rusland is wat hom betref nie ‘n demokrasie nie. Dat talle Afrikalande soos die DRK en Namibië ook geen demokrasieë is nie, maar volle Duitse ondersteuning geniet, is nie oorweeg nie.
 
Bush het sy besorgdheid teenoor Poetin laat blyk tydens hul gesprek. Dit is ook bekend gemaak tydens die perskonferensie wat in Washington gehou is waarin die VSA besonder krities was oor die verloop van die Russiese stemming.

русские банилобановский александр харьков

Energiekrisis of slegs ‘n oliekrisis?


Imageʼn Onderhoud deur Buks van Rensburg met dr. Johann Wingard, skrywer van die blitsverkoper: Towards a Synfuels Economy

BvR: Dr. Wingard, baie dankie dat u ingestem het om ʼn onderhoud met my te voer. U is ʼn wêreldwyd erkende spesialis in die vervaardiging van sintetiese olie en brandstof, en die skrywer van Towards a Synfuels Economy, waarin u die moontlikheid en wenslikheid van ʼn ekonomie gebaseer op sintetiese brandstof ondersoek. Wat is u huidige posisie?

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Johann Wingard

JW: Dankie vir die mooi woorde. Ek sal myself nie ʼn spesialis noem nie, maar liewer ʼn tegnologieontleder. Gedurende die afgelope vier jaar werk ek onverpoosd aan ʼn nuwe kompakte gasturbine met ʼn buitengewoon hoë nuttigheidsgraad vir gedesentraliseerde kragopwekking. Saam met Amerikaanse vennote het ons ʼn maatskappy gestig om die toestel internasionaal te bou en te bemark, hoofsaaklik deur lisensies vir vervaardiging en verspreiding daarvan aan internasionale maatskappye te verkoop. Tans is ek vise-president, produkontwikkeling van die maatskappy. Ons hoop om in Mei aanstaande jaar die eerste eenhede bekend te stel – ook hier in Suid-Afrika.

BvR: Daar is toenemende onsekerhede in die oliemark in Westerse lande. In Energy    Bulletin van 29 November 2007, skryf John Michael Greer dat

"Debates about whether world petroleum production will peak before 2030 or not miss a point obvious to anybody who’s looked at the figures: world petroleum production peaked in November 2005 at some 86 million barrels of oil a day, and has been declining slowly ever since. So far the gap has been filled with tar sands, natural gas liquids, and other unconventional liquids, all of which cost more than ordinary petroleum in terms of money and energy input alike, and none of which can be produced at anything like the rate needed to supply the world’s rising energy demand. As depletion of existing oil fields accelerates, the struggle to prop up the current production plateau promises to become a losing battle against geological reality."

Dié siening word ook deur The Oil Drum en deur ander oliemarkontleders gedeel. ʼn Amerikaanse bankier, Matthew Simmons, het ʼn paar jaar gelede gewaarsku dat ʼn oliekrisis onvermydelik is, en dat dit Westerse ekonomieë erg gaan ontwrig.

Wat is u mening oor die voorsiening van ru-olie aan die Westerse wêreld? Is daar ʼn komende krisis, en hoe erg kan dit word?

JW: Daar bestaan min twyfel oor die realiteit van die komende oliekrisis. Of dit in ʼn energiekrisis gaan ontaard, is egter ʼn ander vraag. Ekonomiese kragte is altyd aan die werk om ontwrigtende situasies op makro-ekonomiese vlak te stabiliseer.

Toe ons byvoorbeeld die eerste gangbaarheidstudie vir die Mossgasprojek in 1985 gedoen het, het ons bevind dat die projek ʼn positiewe kontantvloei sou hê teen ʼn olieprys van $23 per vat. Destyds was die olieprys ongeveer $17. Teenstanders van die projek, soos SASOL se tegnokrate, het destyds voorspel dat ons eerder ʼn prys van $13 as $23 moes verwag. Binne twee jaar na sy inwerkingstelling was die projek reeds kontantvloeipositief. Oor die afgelope dekade het die projek ʼn opbrengs van miljarde rande aan sy aandeelhouers gelewer en vir die land miljarde dollars in valuta bespaar.

Sedertdien het SASOL die Mossgastegnologie opgegradeer vir die Katarse gasvelde met sy Oryxprojek. Verskeie dergelike internasionale projekte is nou in die pyplyn. Of dit uiteindelik al die wêreld se diesel sal kan vervang en vir hoe lank, is vrae wat vir eers onbeantwoord moet bly. Feit is dat dit aanvullende, tegnologiegedrewe sintetiese oliebronne is en bewyse van hoe die energiekomponent van die wêreldekonomie deur tegnologiese ontwikkeling bestuur word. Plotselinge grootskaalse sosio-ekonomiese ontwrigting word dus deur die toepassing van tegnologie verhoed.

Ek glo dus nie aan ʼn dreigende energiekrisis nie, maar ondersteun die begrip van kwynende olie en gasreserwes wat ʼn energieomwenteling oor ʼn tydperk van vyf tot agt dekades sal veroorsaak.

Weens omgewingsredes is daar ook ʼn dreigende elektrisiteitskrisis regdeur die wêreld wat inderwaarheid ʼn groter energievraagstuk gaan veroorsaak as die oliekrisis. Kragstasies en verspreidingsnetwerke nader die einde van hul ekonomiese leeftyd en moet vervang word. Waarmee? Weereens sal die tegnologie tot die redding van die mensdom moet kom met gedesentraliseerde kragopwekking wat velerlei tegnologieë sal inspan soos wind, son, brandstofselle, mikroturbines, ens.

BvR: Hoedanig is Suid Afrika geposisioneer ten opsigte van ru-olievoorsiening in ʼn wêreld waar die aanvraag na ru-olie waarskynlik sy produksie in die nabye toekoms ver gaan oortref?

JW: Vir sover dit die verskaffing van ru-olie aanbetref, is Suid Afrika steeds op ingevoerde ru-olie aangewese. Sedert die ontstaan van SASOL het die land stelselmatig sy ru-olie met sinteties vervaardigde koolwaterstowwe begin vervang. Indien die politieke magsoorgawe van 1994 vir tien jaar uitgestel sou gewees het, sou ons reeds die brandstof vanuit die Torbaniet- en die Weskemprojekte kon benut. Weskem sou die unieke vervloeiïngseienskappe van ecca 5 van die Grootegeluksteenkoolmyn by Ellisras aanwend om vloeibare brandstof asook BTX-produkte (bensien, toluïen en xylien), die boustene van die plastiekbedryf, te vervaardig. Onthou, die tekort aan olie bring ook ʼn tekort aan hierdie produkte mee, wat dalk ʼn veel groter ontwrigting as ʼn energiekrisis kon wees.

BvR: In u boek skryf u dat “A recent Worldwatch report, sponsored by the German Federal Ministry of Food, Agriculture and Consumer Protection (BMELV), estimates that it takes 100 times more man hours to produce one unit volume of biofuels than what it would take for the same quantity of fossil fuel.” As sintetiese brandstof uit biologiese voedingstowwe soveel duurder is as brandstof uit ru-olie, kan u kommentaar lewer oor die relatiewe prys van petrol en diesel uit die olie-uit-steenkoolproses by Sasol?  

JW: Ek sal nie ʼn antwoord waag oor SASOL se kostestruktuur nie. Wat ons wel weet, is dat dit lonend is om brandstof uit steenkool teen die huidige oliepryse te vervaardig. Volgens SASOL se finansiële resultate is die produksie van brandstof uit steenkool die gans wat vir sy aandeelhouers die goue eiers lê.

 

My eie navorsing toon aan dat die produksie van biobrandstowwe soos biodiesel en etanol in nuwe aanlegte en met die nuutste tegnologie goed vergelyk met brandstof uit steenkool, ook in nuwe aanlegte, afhangende van die produksiekoste en logistieke koste van die vesel of steenkoolrumateriaal. Teen die huidige olieprys is produksie van biobrandstof lonend sonder direkte subsidies, maar dit benodig ekonomiese aansporingsmaatreëls en wetgewing wat die afset daarvan sal waarborg. Dit hoef nie die land se ekonomie te verwring nie. Ek sal later graag weer na steenkool as voedingsbron vir energie wil verwys.

Die feit dat biobrandstowwe ʼn honderd maal meer man-ure gebruik as fossielbrandstof, beteken nie noodwendig dat dit duurder hoef te wees nie. In ontwikkelende wêrelddele wat die beste geleë is vir die produksie van biobrandstowwe, is plaaslike arbeid relatief goedkoop vergeleke met dollar-gedrewe fossielbrandstofbronne waarvan die insette hoofsaaklik geoutomatiseerd is. Ek glo dus dat daar wel ʼn ekonomiese nis vir biobrandstowwe bestaan en dat sekere lande hul ekonomieë wesenlik daarmee sou kon stimuleer, mits dit nie sou uitloop op mededinging tussen voedselproduksie en energieproduksie nie. Hierdie is ʼn hoogs verpolitiseerde kwessie.

In my nuwe boek gebruik ek Zambië as voorbeeld van hoe daar tydens die reënseisoen voedsel en tydens die droë seisoen sojabone vir dieselproduksie op dieselfde lande geproduseer kan word – in die droë seisoen onder besproeiïng, natuurlik. Die oorblywende misstowwe na sojaboonproduksie en natuurlik die stikstof wat deur die bone self geproduseer word, voed die grond vir die aanplanting van mielies en kasava tydens die nat seisoen. Voedsel en energieproduksie kan dan in ʼn natuurlike simbiotiese verhouding saambestaan en kan dieselfde insettoerusting en arbeid gebruik word. Dit gee aan arm lande ʼn natuurlike mededingende voordeel terwyl hul ekonomieë gestimuleer word.

BvR: Ten opsigte van biobrandstof: in Westerse state is daar baie politieke ondersteuning vir die vervaardiging van etanol uit landbougewasse om by petrol gevoeg te word. Dit is ook bekend dat Brasilië reeds jare lank gebruik maak van etanol as ʼn brandstof in die vervoerwese. In Noord-Amerika bestaan tot soveel as 15% van petrol uit etanol wat uit landbougewasse vervaardig is. Wat is u siening oor etanol as ʼn brandstof?

JW: Eerstens moet ons verstaan waarom daar soveel politieke ondersteuning vir biobrandstofproduksie in Westerse lande bestaan. Daardie is die lande wat deur verskeie protokols hulself verbind het tot die uitfasering van fossielbrandstof en vermindering van koolstofbesoedeling. Die hoë oliepryse, asook ʼn baie aktiewe landboulobby het die wetgewing van die hernubare brandstofstandaard (RFS-2005) tot gevolg gehad. Die RFS bepaal dat ten minste 28,4 miljard liter biobrandstof teen 2012 vir vervoerbrandstof in die VSA gebruik moet word!! Die prys van mielies het egter die hoogte ingeskiet en ons kan ernstige politieke probleme daarmee verwag. Vroeër is daardie mielies teen gesubsidieerde pryse aan armer lande verskaf, en nou is daardie bron van voedsel op meer winsgewende etanolproduksie gerig.

Ek kan die produksie van etanol uit mielies nie goedpraat nie. Teen ʼn mielieprys van R2000 per ton is dit in elk geval kwalik ekonomies lewensvatbaar. Daar is egter ʼn nuwegeslagtegnologie op die horison wat etanol vervaardig uit die ‘moeilike’ suiker wat teenwoordig is in in die sellulose en hemi-sellulose van vesel. Die stysel kan dus vir voedselproduksie behoue bly.

Brandstofetanol kan ook via die sintetiesegas- oftewel singasroete vervaardig word. Enige brandbare biomassa kan tot singas omgeskakel word wat ryk is aan koolstofmonoksied en waterstof. In die regte verhouding kan dit deur fermentasie indirek tot etanol verwerk word. Die vergassingstegnologieë daarvoor maak reeds hul verskyning op die wêreldmarkte. Vanweë die feit dat bykans enige biomassa vergas kan word, is hierdie benadering deur kenners as die aangewese roete vir brandstofetanol beskou.

Aanvanklik sal die mark vir etanol waarskynlik deur wetgewing gewaarborg word, maar ek voorsien dat etanol uit hernubare nie-voedselbronne mettertyd ʼn wesenlike deel van die brandstofmandjie sal uitmaak. Sellulose oeste soos snel groeiende plantasies gebruik relatief min kunsmis en gebruik minder energie om te oes as wat die geval met jaargewasse is. Lignien is ʼn belangrike neweproduk van hierdie roete en word tans vir brandstof gebruik. Maar dit is ʼn kommoditeit met ʼn potensiële hoë prys as chemiese grondstof. Die feit dat etanol slegs twee derdes van petrol se kalorifiese waarde (energieinhoud) het, beteken net dat mens meer dikwels sal moet volmaak. Produksie van brandstofetanol uit vesel gaan dus ʼn goudmyn word teen die agtergrond van steeds stygende oliepryse.

BvR: Is dit sodanig moontlik dat sintetiese brandstof (uit steenkool en ander bronne) in die hoeveelhede en teen ʼn gepaste tempo vervaardig kan word om ru-olie in Suid Afrika heeltemal te vervang as ʼn bron van brandstof? Kan dit wêreldwyd gedoen word?

JW: Teoreties is enigiets moontlik. Of dit egter wenslik is of ekonomies regverdigbaar is, is ʼn ander saak.

In my nuwe boek bespreek ek een van die mees opwindende ontluikende tegnologieë wat in Engels as UCG bekendstaan. Ondergrondse steenkoolvergassing is die tegniek om diepliggende en swakkwaliteitsteenkool in situ ondergronds te vergas en slegs die gas na die oppervlak te bring waar dit gesuiwer en tot vloeibare brandstowwe of vir kragopwekking in gasturbines aangewend word.

Die oortollige CO2 aan die einde van die proses word in ondergrondse water opgelos. Die as bly ondergronds waar dit oor miljoene jaar ontstaan het en al die besoedelingsprobleme en logistieke kostes verbonde aan steenkoolmyne word uitgeskakel.

Die meeste lande het reusesteenkoolafsette wat onekonomies is om te myn, of waar die gehalte van die steenkool te laag is om produksie te regverdig. Daar is ook reusehoeveelhede steenkool onder die seebodem wat sonder enige vorm van besoedeling ondergronds vergas kan word om die wêreld se energiehonger oor die volgende vyfhonderd jaar te bevredig.

Hoewel koolstof gebaseerd, besit hierdie tegnologie die potensiaal om laekoste-energie in die vorm van waterstof te lewer met min negatiewe uitwerking op die omgewing. Dit is ʼn goeie voorbeeld van hoe die tegnologie ʼn energiekrisis kan afweer. Die koolstof kan deur beproefde metodes na waterstof oorgeskakel word vir die utopiese waterstofekonomie waarna die puriste so smag.

BvR: Die markprys van hoëgraadse ru-olie is deesdae oor die $90 VS per vat, en dit begin lyk asof die era van goedkoop hoëgraadse ru-olie permanent iets van die verlede is. Wat is die gevolge van die feit vir lande in die Derde Wêreld, en spesifiek in Afrika? Is die Suid Afrikaanse ekonomie kwesbaar vir onvoorsiene verhogings in die ru-olieprys oor die volgende vyf jaar?

JW: Afrikalande wat nie olie of gas het nie, is ekonomies en polities kwesbaar, maar hul vermoëns om biobrandstowwe te vervaardig bied aan hulle ʼn politieke en ekonomiese uitkoms. Hiervoor sal Suid-Afrikaanse kommersiële landboukundigheid egter ingespan moet word en ons kan by ʼn ander geleentheid daaroor praat. Sasol beplan reeds verskeie sintetiese brandstofaanlegte om die komende tekorte die hoof te bied.

Die hoë olieprys sal ook navorsing stimuleer. Ek verwag wesenlike deurbrake in die nabye toekoms – nie soseer met die sogenaamde hernubare bronne soos wind, son en seebranderenergie nie, maar met verdieping van koolstof gebaseerde energie waar die CO2 nie in die atmosfeer losgelaat word nie en permanent ondergronds opgelos sal word.

BvR: Dankie vir hierdie onderhoud. U was voorheen ook Voorsitter van die Volkstaatsraad. Kan ons miskien op ʼn ander tydstip ʼn dergelike onderhoud voer oor daardie proses en waarom dit skeefgeloop het?

JW: Natuurlik, maar dit mag dalk vir sommige van u lesers ʼn pynlike proses wees.

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TV campaign scares away Africans

A German media report said the European Union and Switzerland have started a television, radio and poster campaign in African countries to keep potential illegal migrants from trying to immigrate to Europe.

Switzerland’s migration authority initiated and directed the campaign, which has included producing a promotional film during the past few months meant to scare away potential illegal immigrants, according to German business daily Handelsblatt.

The paper reported on Monday, Nov. 26, that a spokesperson for Switzerland’s Federal Migration Office in Berne confirmed the ad was being shown on television in Cameroon and Nigeria, and may soon be aired in the Democratic Republic of the Congo.

The Geneva-based International Organization for Migration (IOM) said it had actually produced the campaign, which was funded by the Swiss migration office.

The aim of the campaign is to "give a more balanced view of irregular migration networks," IOM spokesman Jean-Philippe Chauzy told AFP news agency.

Some African migrants pay thousands of dollars to smuggling networks who promise them that life in Switzerland or other European countries will be easy, without warning them of the risks of exploitation, poverty and deportation they will face, Chauzy said.

Many others die in their attempts to flee African countries by water.

"Stay home, since Europe is not the continent of milk and honey. No one’s waiting for you there," Handelsblatt summarized the message of the film to be. "Fleeing does not mean starting a new life," the last sentence of the film states.

A sequence of images in the film includes a telephone ringing with an older, black man in a cozy apartment picking it up to hear his son on the other end. The father asks his son if he’s found a home and how his studies are going. The son is then shown in a grungy camp under a bridge, but answers that everything is fine. More images appear, showing him sitting on the side of the street and begging, and then later being picked up by police.

The film continues along the same vein for almost two more minutes.

Handelsblatt reported that the film is part of a 250,000-euro ($371,000) campaign by the European Union and Switzerland to stem illegal emigration where it starts.

The film was shown on Nigeria’s state television channel during half-time of an international soccer match between Nigeria and Switzerland last week. There are a huge number of potential immigrants in these countries and we want to show them that Europe is no paradise," the spokesperson for Switzerland’s Migration Office told Handelsblatt.

The IOM has produced similar ads in Senegal and Niger, funded by Spain and the European Union respectively, Chauzy told AFP.

He also said such ads were a "useful tool" in trying to combat people-smuggling.

Switzerland’s right-wing justice minister Christoph Blocher, whose ministry controls the Migration Office, supports the campaign. He, too, told the Swiss paper SonntagsBlick that "we must show the Africans that Switzerland is not paradise."

Blocher’s populist Swiss People’s Party won the majority of votes in last month’s federal elections after a campaign that focused heavily on immigration.

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Report contradicts Bush on Iran

A new U.S. intelligence report says Iran halted its nuclear weapons program in 2003 and it remains on hold, contradicting the Bush administration’s earlier assertion that Tehran was intent on developing a bomb.

The National Intelligence Estimate (NIE) released on Monday could undermine U.S. efforts to convince other world powers to agree on a third package of U.N. sanctions against Iran for defying demands to halt uranium enrichment activities.

Tensions have escalated in recent months as Washington has ratcheted up the rhetoric against Tehran, with U.S. President George W. Bush insisting in October that a nuclear-armed Iran could lead to World War Three.

But in a finding likely to surprise U.S. friends and foes alike, the latest NIE concluded: "We do not know whether (Iran) currently intends to develop nuclear weapons."

That marked a sharp contrast to an intelligence report two years ago that stated Iran was "determined to develop nuclear weapons."

But the new assessment found Iran was continuing to develop technical means that could be used to build a bomb and it would likely be capable of producing enough enriched uranium for a nuclear weapon "sometime during the 2010-2015 time-frame."

The shift in the intelligence community’s thinking on Iran comes five years after a flawed NIE concluded neighboring Iraq was developing weapons of mass destruction — a report that helped pave the way for the U.S.-led invasion in March 2003.

No nuclear, chemical or biological weapons were ever found in Iraq and intelligence agencies since have been more cautious about Iran’s nuclear ambitions.

Bush and Vice President Dick Cheney, who have repeatedly accused Iran of seeking nuclear weapons, were briefed on the new NIE last Wednesday.

Washington, which insists it wants to solve the Iran problem diplomatically while leaving military options "on the table," is pushing for tougher U.N. sanctions against Tehran but faces resistance from China and Russia.

Iran insists it wants nuclear technology only for civilian purposes, such as electricity generation.

The nuclear standoff has become a major issue in the 2008 U.S. presidential campaign, with candidates weighing in on the prospects for military action against Iran.

Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid, among senior Democrats who had requested the updated report on Iran, said the assessment challenged some of the administration’s "alarming rhetoric about the threat posed by Iran."

He and other critics had accused Bush trying to rush the country into war again based on faulty intelligence.

Bush’s national security adviser said that on balance the report was "good news," insisting it showed Tehran was susceptible to international pressure but that the risk of it acquiring nuclear weapons "remains a very serious problem."

But he added: "The international community has to understand that if we want to avoid a situation where we either have to accept Iran on a road to a nuclear weapon … or the possibility of having to use force to stop it with all the connotations of World War III, then we need to step up the diplomacy, step up the pressure."

Administration officials denied the new NIE had exposed a serious intelligence lapse but could not explain how agencies failed to detect for four years that Iran’s nuclear weapons program had been halted.

Intelligence officials said the suspension involved design and engineering for a bomb and covert uranium-conversion work.

A key NIE finding was that: "Tehran’s decision to halt its nuclear weapons program suggests it is less determined to develop nuclear weapons than we have been judging since 2005."

Still, the report said: "We also assess with moderate-to-high confidence that Tehran at a minimum is keeping open the option to develop nuclear weapons."

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Rekenmeesters aanvaar rassekwotas

Terwyl Australiese ouditeursfirmas besig is om die room van Suid-Afrikaanse rekenmeesters af te skep, het die rekenmeestersprofessie nou ʼn sogenaamde “SEB-handves” aanvaar. Hierdeur gaan rekenmeestersfirmas gedwing word om swart eienaarskap te aanvaar en ook om swart rekenmeesters op te lei, al stel weinig swartes belang in ʼn beroep wat hoë eise stel en dikwels nie aardig besoldig is nie.

Sedert 1976 het slegs 912 swartes as geoktrooieerde rekenmeesters gekwalifiseer – uit ʼn totaal van 26803. Net meer as 2000 swart matriekleerlinge kom jaarliks hoërgraadwiskunde deur,dieselfde poel waaruit die land se swart dokters, ingenieurs en rekenmeesters opgelei moet word.

Implisiet in die aanvaarding van die “bemagtigingshandves” vir rekenmeesters is ʼn verlaging van standaarde. Daar heers reeds groot druk op die professie om toelatingsvereistes tot die beroep te verslap sover dit swartes betref. Een dosent in rekeningkunde wat sedertdien na Australië uitgewyk het, is deur haar voormalige departementshoof aan die Johannesburgse Universiteit aangesê om vraestelle met swart name opwaarts aan te pas. Toe sy weier, het die departementshoof dit self gedoen.

Agter die skerms is daar dus ʼn hele strategie aan die gang om meer swart rekenmeesters uit die skamele groepie wat jaarliks wiskunde deurkom, te fabriseer en dit gaan interessant wees hoe die Instituut vir Geoktrooieerde Rekenmeesters sy toelatingseksamen aanpas of manipuleer om meer swartes te laat slaag.

Volgens Trevor Brown, ʼn uitvoerende bestuurder van Deloitte en ʼn lid van die handvesforum, “word vooruitgang gemaak, maar is daar steeds probleme met lekkasies”. Hoewel swart studente daarin slaag om ʼn B.Com-graad te verwerf, beteken dit nie dat hulle noodwendig as geoktrooieerde rekenmeesters gaan kwalifiseer nie. “Baie gaan nie voort om te kwalifiseer nie weens finansiële druk van hul gesinne om uit te gaan en te gaan werk,” meen hy.

Die voorsitter van Grant Thornton, mnr. Leonard Brehm sê dat “een struikelblok die opvoedingstelsel is – daar is steeds nie genoeg matrikulante met hoërgraadwiskunde nie”.

Vanjaar is daar 10 621 B.Com-studente aan die universiteite met toepaslike vakke om as geoktrooieerde rekenmeesters te kwalifiseer. Van daardie getal is 39% swart en net 31% blankes, iets wat Philip Hourquebie van die Instituut oortuig dat “die koers van voornemende swart geoktrooieerde rekenmeesters besig is om sterk te styg”.

Terwyl Suid-Afrika net bereid is om rekenmeesters te aanvaar as hulle swart is, is veral Australië besig om plaaslike blanke rekenmeesters op ʼn groot skaal af te rokkel. KPMG in Australië het blykbaar met een besoek aan Johannesburg 75 rekenmeesters oortuig om te emigreer. In Australië geld geen rassekwotas as dit by rekeningkunde kom nie.

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Sarkozy se eierdans

Image

‘n Delikate verhouding

Die Franse president is tans op ’n amptelike besoek in Algerië. Hy het gister in ’n toespraak voor Franse en Algerynse sakelui die koloniale stelsel van die verlede as “uiters onregverdig” bestempel. Hy het kolonialisme verder beskryf as ’n sisteem wat “in stryd staan” met die Franse beginsels van vryheid, gelykheid en broederskap.

 
Hy het egter beklemtoon dat daar binne hierdie stelsel vele Franse burgers was wat baie geheg was aan Algerië voor hulle die land moes verlaat. Die Algerynse onafhanklikheidsoorlog het “ontelbare slagoffers” aan beide kante meegebring. “En vandag wil ek, wat in 1962 sewe jaar oud was, al hierdie slagoffers gedenk,” het die president gesê.

 
Sarkozy het verder bevestig dat Frankryk vandag kontrakte ter waarde van meer as vyf biljoen Euro met Algerië sal onderteken. Sowat 100 Franse sakemanne vergesel die Franse president tydens hierdie staatsbesoek. Die kontrakte handel hoofsaaklik oor die oprigting van moderne infrastruktuur soos die bou van tremstelsels, werk aan die moltreinstelsel van Algiers, die bou van paaie en spoorweë, asook fabrieke, damme en kragsentrales. Daar sal verder ’n ooreenkoms geteken word ten opsigte van samewerking oor kernkrag.

Die Franse president het Algerië se stryd teen “barbaarse terrorisme” die afgelope paar jaar in hulle eie land geloof en gesê dat “elke vorm van rassisme, Islamhaat en anti-Semitisme" beveg moet word. Vir hom is Islamhaters en anti-Semiete ewe dom en haatdraend. “Die Algerynse regering se oorwinning oor terrorisme is ’n groot sukses vir ons almal, want ’n Taliban-regering in Algiers sou nie net ’n tragedie vir Algerië gewees het nie, maar ook ’n katastrofe vir al die lande rondom die Middellandse see,” het die Franse president vervolg.

Hierdie is Sarkozy se sewende besoek aan Algerië en reeds die tweede amptelike besoek sedert hy vroeër vanjaar president van Frankryk geword het. Verhoudinge tussen die twee lande was nog altyd delikaat, veral sedert onafhanklikheid in 1962. Kort voor Sarkozy se aankoms hierdie week het die Algerynse minister verantwoordelik vir die welsyn van oud-soldate, Mohammed Chérif Abbas, vir verleentheid gesorg toe hy na Sarkozy se Joodse herkoms verwys het.

Volgens hom was dit “die Joodse lobby” aan wie Sarkozy sy verkiesing as president te danke had. Hierdie uitspraak van die Algerynse minister het hewige reaksie in Frankryk uitgelok en organisasies soos die Bond van Menseregte het ’n beroep op Sarkozy gedoen om sy besoek aan Algerië af te stel. President Bouteflika het sy minister egter tereggewys en Sarkozy telefonies verseker dat Abbas se uitspraak “glad nie” die Algerynse standpunt verteenwoordig nie. Die Franse president het gevolglik besluit om met sy besoek voort te gaan.

Sedert oud-president Jacques Chirac in 2005 wetgewing ingevoer het wat “die positiewe rol van kolonialisme” sou uitlig (dit is sedertdien gekanselleer) het ’n groepie Algerynse politici aangehou om “verskonings” van Frankryk te eis.

Sarkozy sal later vandag Algerynse studente toespreek. Hy sal ook die Romeinse ruïnes  van Tipaza besoek, sowat 70 km wes van Algiers. Die Franse skrywer Albert Camus was baie lief vir hierdie dorpie. Daarna sal hy ’n gedenksteen vir Algeryne, wat tydens die onafhanklikheidsoorlog van die vyftigerjare die lewe gelaat het, besoek. Sarkozy keer môre na Frankryk terug.



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Good old Smithy

Ian Smith, the brave and principled former prime minister of Rhodesia, fondly referred to as “good old Smithy” by his supporters, passed away in Cape Town, South Africa, on the 20th November 2007.  He was 88, and had been living in South Africa since 2005.

On 11 November 1965, Ian Smith’s government unilaterally declared independence from Britain, because Britain had not been honouring its word or keeping its promises or agreements.  From 1965 to 1979 Smith served as Rhodesian prime minister, and these were the most turbulent and violent years of Rhodesia’s history.  Rhodesia was isolated by the United Nations, international sanctions were imposed, and Rhodesians courageously resisted the Soviet-backed black Marxist terror organisations’ assault.  They did remarkably well, and were it not for their betrayal by Britain and other Western nations, they would not have finally lost the country to Robert Mugabe’s terrorist organisation, ZANU-PF.  Through massively rigged elections overseen by Britain in 1980, Mugabe came to power, Rhodesia became Zimbabwe, and the country became a Marxist state.

Who was Ian Douglas Smith?  He was indeed a most remarkable man.  He was born in Rhodesia in 1919.  Rhodesia at that time was a young country, just a couple of decades old, and still wild in many ways.  It was a British colony.  During the Second World War he joined the Royal Air Force and served in 237 (Rhodesia) Squadron.  He was seriously injured in a crash landing, breaking his jaw, leg, and shoulder and suffering severe facial wounds.  But once he had recovered he returned to active duty.  In 1944 his Spitfire was shot down over northern Italy, but he parachuted to safety and for five months he evaded capture, then later crossed the Alps, much of the time with bare feet, and joined up with the Allied Forces in France.

Smith married Janet Watt in 1948, became a farmer, and also entered parliament in Rhodesia.  Later he founded the Rhodesian Front party, and became prime minister of Rhodesia in April 1964, at the age of 45.  On the 11th November 1965, Rhodesia declared UDI – Unilateral Declaration of Independence from Britain.  Smith declared that in taking this step he was seeking to preserve western civilization, and to combat Communism.

I was born in Rhodesia two years before UDI.  Although our family moved to South Africa, we returned to Rhodesia for some years in the 1970s.  It was a wonderful life for any boy.  Despite the ongoing terrorist revolution, what a country it was!  It had the reputation of being probably the safest country in the world.  As a young boy of eight or nine I used to cycle alone to school, part of my route lying through open veldt.  I was perfectly safe.  My friends and I used to play in the veldt, without parental supervision, for hours on end, only coming home in the evenings.  Everything was efficient, well run, well maintained, neat, clean, and tidy.  The wildlife reserves were pristine.  The cities shone in the African sun.  There were world-class hospitals, schools, roads, railways, etc.  None of these things existed before the whites arrived, for prior to their arrival the territory which came to be known as Rhodesia was under the despotic rule of black tyrants.

There was very little animosity between black and white.  Ian Smith himself, although he was prime minister, frequently travelled around without so much as a bodyguard or a policeman to protect him.  By contrast, Robert Mugabe, the supposed “liberator”, travels with a massive entourage of motorbikes, police cars, armoured vehicles, soldiers, etc.  Why is it that Smith could travel alone even during the dark days when Rhodesia was under attack from terrorists, yet Mugabe does not feel secure unless surrounded by protectors?  If Mugabe really brought peace and freedom and joy to his people, what is he afraid of?

But the Marxist revolution began to take its toll.  I remember spending a weekend with a friend on his parents’ farm, and we were carefully instructed as to what to do if a hand grenade was lobbed through our bedroom window at night.  Such instructions were passed on to children matter-of-factly.  Everyone had to be prepared.  Robert Mugabe’s terrorists were committing shocking atrocities.  In addition to young men going to the army, older married men, family men, were spending a few months every year in the armed forces as well.  The revolution was escalating.  But Rhodesians stood firm, isolated from the rest of the western world, betrayed by their supposed friends.  They were doing their utmost best, small as the country was.  “With incredible gallantry young national servicemen, as well as the regular army, took up the challenge in the 1960s and not once in all the years of the bush war that followed [right through to 1980! – S.W.], did they face defeat.  They defended the people especially in the rural areas with outstanding tenacity, irrespective of colour or tribe of people who needed protection.  It was the tribal people who suffered worst at the hands of terrorists.” [i]  Rhodesians had a sense of destiny; of a special, almost unique purpose in the world.  As the League of Rhodesia put it in 1976: “We in Rhodesia have a very strong sense of national purpose.  We feel we’ve been singled out by Providence to be the stumbling block in the path of communist aggression.  There is yet time for the Western powers to put Rhodesia’s stand in its historical perspective; but they are leaving it dangerously late”. [ii]

This was correct.  This tiny country stood, almost alone except for the support of South Africa until near the end, and against overwhelming foes, against Communist aggression in southern Africa for 15 years.  The Soviet Union picked off the immensely strategic southern African countries one by one.  Mozambique, Angola, Zambia – these were all in the Soviet camp already.  The ultimate prize, of course, was the Republic of South Africa, the richest and most powerful of them all.  But to defeat South Africa, the Communists first had to pick off each one of its neighbouring countries.  White-governed, conservative Rhodesia resisted.  And because it resisted, Communist victory in all of southern Africa was delayed for many years.  And this was an immense blessing not just for Rhodesia and South Africa, but for the entire west as well, even though the western liberal leaders could not see it, or rather – did not want to do so.

After Rhodesia became Zimbabwe and the tyrant Mugabe took over, the vast majority of Rhodesia’s whites left the country.  Rhodesia once had a white population of a quarter of a million.  Today there are less than 50 000 whites in Zimbabwe.  They left because they knew what Mugabe would do.  They were right – he destroyed their country.  Ian Smith, however, continued to live in Zimbabwe.  He refused to leave.  This was his home, and he intended to stay.  And stay he did, despite frequent threats from government ministers, despite being declared Zimbabwe’s public enemy no.1.  He lived quietly on his farm, although he boldly denounced Mugabe’s insane policies and racist thuggery.  “He [Mugabe] should have gone long ago,” he told Reuters in 2000.  “He has ruined a wonderful country.” [iii]

He was constantly threatened by Mugabe, and in 2002 he was stripped of his Zimbabwean citizenship.  At the time Smith said: “They told me that my citizenship had been cancelled.  I oppose this government and you’re not allowed to do that in a one-party dictatorship.  They would like to silence me, but they haven’t got much hope of that.” [iv]

In the late 1990s his autobiography was published, entitled The Great Betrayal: the Memoirs of Africa’s Most Controversial Leader.  This is a book well worth reading by every lover of freedom the world over.

Ian Smith declared truthfully: “We were never beaten by our enemies, we were betrayed by our friends.”  The Rhodesian army was never defeated in battle.  Rhodesians faithfully and with distinction served Britain during two world wars, but Britain turned its back on them in their hour of greatest need.  In proportion to its population, more Rhodesians lost their lives fighting for Britain in the Second World War than from any other Commonwealth country.[v]  The British government betrayed Rhodesia to its Communist enemies.

Sadly, South Africa’s National Party, too, betrayed Rhodesia in the 1970s.  By that time certain elements within the National Party were already starting to pursue a policy of appeasement towards their neighbouring black Marxist states, in the hope that in this way they could save SA.  And so SA’s prime minister, John Vorster, declared a change of policy towards Rhodesia, cutting off military assistance and leaving Smith with little option but to concede defeat.  Not only was this a disaster for Rhodesia, but ultimately Vorster’s gamble backfired on SA as well.  The fall of Rhodesia to the Marxist forces hastened SA’s own demise.

When Ian Smith died, the liberal press, as was to be expected, could hardly find a good word to say about him.  He was described as the man “whose attempts to resist black rule dragged the country into isolation and civil war”,[vi] who “defied the world for 15 years and plunged the country into war”.[vii]  They couldn’t have got it more wrong.  Ian Smith, and Rhodesians in general, were resisting Soviet-backed  Communist terrorism.  The liberals speak as if it was the whites’ fault that Rhodesia suffered such a  terrible war.  What nonsense.  It wasn’t the white Rhodesians who dragged the country into war, it was black terrorists supported by the Soviet Union, Red China, the United Nations, and the World Council of Churches.  They started the war, and white Rhodesians were absolutely entitled to defend themselves against it. 

And even though blacks were in the majority, does this mean it had to automatically follow that the country should be delivered into their hands?  Absolutely not!  One has to ask: were they ready to govern a modern, First World state?  The answer, although extremely politically incorrect, is patently obvious as we look at Zimbabwe today: they were not ready. 

Mugabe and his Marxist cronies have ruined Zimbabwe.  The country’s white farmers have been violently driven off their farms, as have their thousands of black farm labourers, resulting in starvation and chaos.  There is over 85% unemployment.  Over 80% of the country’s wildlife has been wiped out.  Inflation is something like 5000%.  Power failures last for days.  Shops have no goods on their shelves.  The independent media in Zimbabwe has been silenced, often violently.  The judiciary now serves Mugabe.  Church buildings have been destroyed, pastors have been arrested.  Some five million people – almost half the population of Zimbabwe – have fled as refugees to South Africa and other neighbouring states.  Elderly pensioners have lost their life savings because of the devaluation of the Zimbabwe dollar.  They are starving.

All this is Mugabe’s evil legacy.  Yet so many blacks are so blinded by false propaganda concerning whites in Africa, that even when they can see that Mugabe has ruined Zimbabwe, they have to find a way to blame it on whites like Smith.  Take the following comment from a leading black critic of Mugabe, political commentator John Makumbe: “There are very unfortunate similarities between Robert Mugabe and Ian Smith in terms of practising racism, violence, bad governance and bad policies.  But that must not be taken to mean Ian Smith is vindicated, just that Robert Mugabe inherited certain traits from Smith.” [viii]  This is such hogwash!  There are no similarities between the two men.  Mugabe is responsible for massacring tens of thousands of people, destroying thousands of homes, driving farmers off their land illegally and stealing their farms, torturing opponents, inflation that is the highest on earth, a one-party state that has completely destroyed the country.  Ian Smith’s Rhodesia was peaceful, well run, prosperous.  And as for saying that Mugabe “inherited” these vile traits from Smith, this is laughable!  How could he possibly have “inherited” them, even if Smith was guilty of them (which he was not)?  Mugabe did not copy Smith in any way.  He hated Smith, despised everything he stood for, and was and is an altogether different man from Smith in every possible way.  This is an example of the typical distortion of historical reality so beloved of Marxists and liberals.

Thankfully there are blacks who are not blinded by this false propaganda.  Patrick Kombayi, former mayor of Gweru, Zimbabwe, a hotelier and opposition politician, said Zimbabweans had much for which to thank Smith.  “The roads that we are using today were all built by Smith.  All the infrastructure is Smith’s.  We never suffered the way we are suffering now because Smith took care of the economy that supported all people and they had enough to eat.  When he left power the pound was on a par with the Zimbabwean dollar, but President Mugabe has killed all that.” [ix]

 Let Ian Smith speak for himself, in these words from his autobiography, concerning white-governed Rhodesia:

“[Sir Godfrey Huggins] informed us that the British government had informed him that Rhodesia was the success story of the Commonwealth.  We had succeeded in Africa where they had failed.  History proved the veracity of this belief.  Africa to our north was in chaos, and with the passage of time degenerated into disaster.  Africa is the continent of coups, assassination of political leaders, governments mesmerised by their communist mentors and thus riddled with corruption, incompetence, nepotism and top jobs for comrades irrespective of ability, experience, training or professionalism.

“By contrast, Rhodesia was an oasis of peace and contentment…. Proportional to population we had provided double the amount of facilities in the fields of education, health, housing, recreation and culture than Britain had to our north [in the British territories].

“The commissioner of police in his annual report consistently referred to the fact that Rhodesia was the only country in the world, from which statistics were available, where the crime rate was decreasing.  Moreover, proportional to population we had a smaller police force than any other known country.  However, I am simply emphasising and reiterating the dreadful injustice to which Rhodesia had been subjected…

“Our Western civilization evolved over thousands of years, with many trials and tribulations, triumphs and disasters… With the passing of Rhodesia we were denied the opportunity of putting our philosophy to the test.  We must accept that there is no going back now.  What we cannot accept is that we should allow people, indeed nations, to succeed in twisting the truth against Rhodesia in order to support and preserve malignant dictatorships.  The vast mass of Rhodesians have always been moderate, middle-of-the-road conservatives.  Extremists, whether to the left or right, never succeeded in gaining support in our politics…. All of these actions [previously described], which clearly indicate Rhodesian moderation, reason, and fair play to all our people, black and white, are assiduously ignored while the rabble-rousers succeed in branding us as white racists, oblivious of the interest of our black community. In fact, they are the racists, fabricating their case against us for the reason that we are white people living in Africa.  Sadly, the broad mass of reasonable people in the world, who, once the position is made clear to them, sympathise with the injustice of the case against us, seem to be reluctant, or are otherwise too occupied, to resort to positive action.  The problem is obvious – the extremist, because of his nature, is obsessed with his cause and never tired of working for it.  On the other hand, the reasonable man, because of his nature, is moderate in his outlook and approach to life.  We must constantly remind ourselves and our friends, and continue to repeat those significant words: ‘All that is necessary for the triumph of evil, is that good men do nothing.’” [x]

Zimbabwe’s black Marxists, and the western world’s liberal journalists, have been falling over themselves to brand Ian Smith as a racist and a tyrant.  This should be expected from such men.  The reality, however, is very different:

The black workers on Smith’s cattle farm in Zimbabwe painted a very different image of the man when they heard the news of his death in South Africa.  They said that he was a generous employer who built a school where the children of farm workers received free education, and provided houses for the teachers and free medical treatment for all his staff.  The foreman, Pedzisai Chizhika, who was born on Smith’s farm and still lives there, said: “The old man [Smith] was good to us.  He built a school where I went and my children are still learning there for free.  Apart from what happened before independence he was a good man, who had the interests of all people at heart irrespective of race.”  Chizhika added that Smith had saved the life of his 15-year-old son, Blessing.  “A detonator exploded in my son’s face in August, seriously injuring him.  He was taken to hospital and the bill was huge, and the farm paid for that because Smith always paid for our hospital bills.  If it was not for his kindness my son would have died of bleeding, because I did not have the money to pay the hospital bill of Zim $60 million.”  He said of Smith, “he was a jovial man who treated all of us as his children and cared for our welfare.” [xi]

Tadeous Maroyi Muchata, 60, who has been working on the farm ever since Smith bought it in 1948, said Smith always treated his workers with respect.  “Whenever an employee passed away he bought a coffin and provided food and transport for the families.  Do you call those the actions of a racist or an evil man?”  He added that Smith even bought his own ambulance to ferry sick workers to hospital.[xii]

When he finally left his farm and moved to Harare, the capital, Ian Smith’s gate was always unlocked and blacks would give him a warm reception in the street.  “They say to me, ‘Please keep going Mr Smith.  We lived better when you were around,’” he said.  “Policemen salute me, people shake my hand.  I’ve got more black friends than Mugabe.” [xiii]

In an article entitled The Truly Greatest Africans of All Time, written in 2005, I said the following about Ian Smith: “Rhodesia’s prime minister, Ian Smith, stands among the greatest Africans ever.  A true gentleman, a man of deep convictions, a man of great courage, who led his tiny country through its most turbulent years as Marxist terrorists waged a horrifying guerilla war against it, and as the whole world turned its back on Rhodesia and isolated it completely.  Today, despite constant vilification in the Zimbabwean media, and threats against him, Ian Smith, although a frail octogenarian, continues to live in Zimbabwe – the nightmare country that was once his beloved Rhodesia – doing whatever he can to help his suffering people.” [xiv]

He made mistakes; all men do, and even the best of governments in this fallen world are very far from perfect.  But all over the world, wherever Rhodesians now live, they will mourn the passing of Ian Smith.  From their far-flung homes in Europe, North America, Australia and New Zealand, not to mention South Africa, his death will remind them of the wonderful country they once knew and loved, the country which they, standing behind “good old Smithy”, did so much to defend and hold.  Rhodesia, the country, is no more.  But in the words of Ian Smith himself, writing “to all the wonderful Rhodesians, wherever you are in the world,” in November 2005: “I would ask you to join me in ensuring that we do our utmost to preserve, perpetuate and enhance the Rhodesian spirit.  May it continue forever.” [xv] 

When a Rhodesian soldier, who had been paralysed while fighting for his country, was asked over 25 years later whether his injuries had been pointless, he replied, “We were fighting Communism and it was the right thing to be doing, and I am very proud to have been part of that.” [xvi]  That, in a nutshell, encapsulates the Rhodesian spirit.

Every single day, as the world watches Mugabe destroy Zimbabwe, Ian Smith’s position is vindicated.  Every single day, Mugabe provides Rhodesians, scattered across the earth, with the proof that they were right all along.  Every Rhodesian, who fought so hard to keep his beloved country from falling into the hands of Mugabe and his murderous Communist terrorists, can hold his head up high, despite the liberal lies spouted by the media, and say, “We were right.”  He can say, “We were right to resist.  Mugabe proves us right every time he opens his mouth, every time he puts another insane policy into practice.”

Ian Smith was right.  Rhodesians were right. 

I urge Christians to remember the suffering people of Zimbabwe in their prayers, and especially to pray for Christians there.  Rhodesia, tragically, is gone; Zimbabwe is the reality and the nightmare.  For those in Zimbabwe, life has become a daily struggle for survival.  With all my heart I urge my brothers and sisters in Christ: do not forget them.  In the comfort of your homes, with sufficient food on your tables and warm beds to sleep in every night, please do not forget them.


[i].We Shall Never Forget, article in the Rhodesia Christian Group Occasional Newsletter, November 2006

[ii].Rhodesia: Myths and Facts, quoted in Tribute to Ian Douglas Smith, by Peter Hammond, Frontline Fellowship, www.frontline.org.za.

[iii].The Witness, November 22, 2007.

[iv].Ian Smith is Stripped of Zimbabwe Citizenship, 27 March 2002. www.telegraph.co.uk.

[v].We Shall Never Forget.

[vi].The Witness, November 21, 2007.

[vii].The Witness, November 22, 2007.

[viii].The Witness, November 22, 2007.

[ix].Zimbabweans Praise “Generous” Ian Smith, 25 November 2007. www.telegraph.co.uk.

[x].The Great Betrayal, by Ian Smith, pgs.408-411.  Blake Publishing Ltd., London, 1997.

[xi].Zimbabweans Praise “Generous” Ian Smith.

[xii].Zimbabweans Praise “Generous” Ian Smith.

[xiii].Ian Smith is Stripped of Zimbabwe Citizenship.

[xiv].The Truly Greatest Africans of All Time, by Shaun Willcock.  23 March 2005.  Bible Based Ministries. www.biblebasedministries.co.uk.

[xv].Tribute to Ian Douglas Smith.

[xvi].We Shall Never Forget.

детская игрушкилобановский супермаркет класс

Elisabeth Eybers (1915 – 2007)

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Elisabeth Eybers (1915 – 2007)

 

Uitgewekene

Wat ook al in my binneste agterbly,
Suid-Afrika, jý hoort feilloos daarby.
Om die inherente geheuetaak
nog onaanvaarbaarder te maak
noem hulle jou hier somaar Afrika.

Onreg en honger en opstand speel
‘n omvattende rol in die groot geheel
en het niks, maar hoegenaamd niks te maak
met die herinneringe wat my bewaak

en wat ek bewaak. Terwyl jy verdwyn,
Suid-Afrika, hoed ek die heilige skyn
en kom jou nooit ofte nimmer na.

Uit: Respyt 1993

печи для финской сауныАлександр Фильчаков прокурор

Gesogte Duitse prys aan Tutu

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‘Rooi Heidi’ en Nujoma

Nie alleen bevorder die Duitse minister wat bekend staan as "Rooi Heidi", Heidemarie Wieczorek-Zeul, grondhervorming in Namibië omdat die verspreiding van eienaarskap daar volgens haar "ongelyk" is nie, maar sy bevorder ook "wêreldvrede". Vir elkeen wat onderlê is in ou Koue Oorlog-terme, moet haar woorde bekend klink, so asof sy uit die ou Sowjetunie ontsnap het.

Wieczorek-Zeul beskou ook die Anglikaanse Tutu as "’n simbool vir vrede en geregtigheid in die wêreld". Die Zeit het pas aan Desmond Tutu ‘n gesogte Duitse prys oorhandig, naamlik die Marion Doenhoff-Prys vir Internasionale Versoening en Begrip. Doenhoff was ‘n bekende en gerespekteerde Duitse joernalis en mede-uitgewer van Die Zeit tot en met haar dood op 92-jarige ouderdom in 2002. Tutu het die prys Sondag in ontvangs geneem.

Maandag sal hy saam met FW de Klerk in Berlyn optree wanneer ‘n yslike granietblok uit Suid-Afrika onthul sal word ter bevordering van "wêreldvrede". Die toekenning aan Tutu is des te meer eienaardig omdat die rol van die Anglikaanse Kerk in die aanstigting van terreur teen wit teikens welbekend is, uit die St. Pauluskatedraal geloods is en in detail op ANC Today behandel word.

 

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