Eskom-tariefverhogings gekritiseer

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Jacob Maroga

Eskom se plan om volgende jaar ’n tariefverhoging van 18% in te voer, gevolg deur ’n verhoging van 17% in 2009, is deur die sakegemeenskap en ander organisasies veroordeel. Die vakbond Cosatu, die Jong Kommuniste-liga en Verenigde Besigheid in Suid-Afrika het gister almal Eskom se plan veroordeel. Jacob Maroga, Eskom se uitvoerende hoof, het egter vroeër vandeesmaand aangekondig dat hy verwag dat Suid-Afrika se Nasionale Energiereguleerder die beplande verhoging sal goedkeur.

Maroga het gesê die verhoging is noodsaaklik om “nuwe kapasiteit” te skep. Volgens Simi Siwisa, ekonoom verbonde aan Verenigde Besigheid in Suid-Afrika, verstaan hulle dat Eskom moet groei, maar is die verhoging oordrewe.

Dit is veral kommerwekkend omdat daar na verwagting in die komende jaar ’n afplatting in groei gaan wees in die plaaslike en globale ekonomie. Siwisa het verder daarop gewys dat so ’n verhoging sal meebring dat die regering se beoogde 6% groeikoers en die halvering van werkloosheid en armoede teen 2014 nie bereik gaan word nie.

Cosatu het ook die Eskom-besluit veroordeel. “Die impak van so ’n verhoging sal rampspoedig wees vir verbruikers, werkers en die hele land,” lui die vakbond se verklaring. Nie net sal die verhoging armoede vererger nie, maar dit sal ook werkskepping vertraag en ’n invloed op ander pryse hê.

Die Jong Kommuniste-liga het verder gegaan en meen dat elektrisiteit teen “bekostigbare tariewe of gratis” aan alle Suid-Afrikaners verskaf behoort te word.

Tito Mboweni, goewerneur van die Reserwebank, het op sy beurt gewaarsku dat Eskom se beplande verhoging inflasie sal vererger.

Die Nasionale Energiereguleerder sal aanstaande maand ’n finale besluit oor die voorgestelde verhogings neem. Die publiek is intussen uitgenooi om voorleggings in hierdie verband by die liggaam se hoofkantoor in Pretoria in te dien.

 

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Onverskillige moordenaars

Twee mans het onverskillig geluister toe ’n regter in die Pietermaritzburgse hoër hof hulle tot lewenslange gevangenisstraf gevonnis het vir die moorde op Elaine Anderson en Patricia Kippen. Sibusiso Duma, ’n 24-jarige huurmotoreienaar, en Simphiwe Khesi, sy 33-jarige bestuurder, het gesê dat hulle die moorde op 14 Oktober in Woodlands uitgevoer het as gevolg van die feit dat hulle ’n motor gesoek het om mee huis toe te gaan.

Beide het heeltemal ongeïnteresseerd voorgekom tydens die hofverrigtinge en toe regter Vuka Tshabalala die vonnis gelewer het, het hulle begin lag. “Hulle is nou dood. Waaroor is die mense so bekommerd?” het die een man aan die ander een gevra.

Die slagoffers se gesinne het hierdie reaksie baie ontstellend gevind. Anderson se dogter, Anthea King, het gevra dat die doodstraf teruggebring word. In hulle verduidelikings het die moordenaars vertel dat hulle op die spesifieke dag by ’n kroeg was. Teen 19:00, toe hulle wou huis toe gaan, het hulle besef dat daar geen huurmotors meer was nie en het toe besluit om ’n motor te kaap. Hulle het Kippen se voertuig by ’n kruising in Woodlands opgemerk, waar sy by ’n stopstraat stilgestaan het. Duma het ’n enkele skoot gevuur. Die kar het begin versnel en in ’n pilaar vasgery. Mense het uitgekom om te kyk wat aangaan, wat beteken het dat die twee nie die motor kon steel en wegry nie. Hulle het wel Kippen se selfoon gesteel.

Hulle het toe op ’n ander motor afgekom, wat langs ’n kerk geparkeer was. Anderson, ’n afgetrede joernalis wat baie betrokke was by kerkaktiwiteite, het hulle gewaar, die noodligte aangeskakel en  probeer wegry. Duma het haar egter twee keer geskiet, die motor het buite beheer geraak en ’n ongeluk het gevolg. Toe die twee misdadigers die voertuig probeer steel, was dit egter gesluit en ’n ander motor het op die toneel verskyn, waarop hulle gevlug het.

Khesi was uit op parool toe die moorde gepleeg is.

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14,6m in Gauteng teen 2014

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Gauteng: bevolkingsgroei

Die Gauteng-provinsie en veral Johannesburg kan verwag om ‘n bevolkingsgroei van 8% per jaar te handhaaf soos wat mense van oor die hele Afrika daarheen stroom. Teen 2014 gaan daar 14,6 miljoen mense in die provinsie wees. Hierdie syfer neem waarskynlik nie die beoogde afskaffing van visumvereistes vir Zimbabwiërs in ag nie.

Die bevolking van Gauteng bars uit sy nate, want in 2001 toe die laaste sensusopname plaasgevind het, was daar maar 8, 8 miljoen mense wat tot 9,6 miljoen tans toegeneem het. Die Johannesburgse munisipaliteit beplan om tussen 3 en 4 miljard rand per jaar aan ʼn nuwe vervoerstelsel vir die stad bestee in ʼn poging om die ongekende bevolkingsgroei te hanteer. Dit is benewens die R27 miljard van die Gautreinprojek.

Johannesburg beplan ʼn stad wat deur goed versorgde sypaadjies, hoë woonstelgeboue, kantore, winkels en vermaakplekke oorheers sal word. Breë hoofweë sal ʼn reeks sakesentra met mekaar verbind. Vir Sandton word geboue van 40 verdiepings en hoër in die vooruitsig gestel terwyl 20 vloere en hoër die norm in Rosebank en Randburg sal wees.

Ongeveer 330 km se snelbusroetes sal vanaf 2009 in die stad ontplooi word. Werk het reeds aan die eerste fase hiervan begin, ʼn roete wat van Soweto na Sandton via die middestad, Parktown en Rosebank sal loop. ʼn Groot deel van die aanvanklike belegging in snelbusroetes is veronderstel om besoekers aan die stad tydens die 2010-wêreldbeker te bedien.

Daar word beplan dat dié stelsel teen 2020 binne 500 m van die meeste mense se voordeure sal wees, terwyl die meeste wooneenhede uit gehuurde of deeltitelwoonstelle sal bestaan. Teen daardie tyd sal Johannesburg na raming net so dig bevolk wees soos Londen met ongeveer 4 500 mense per vierkante km.

Tans is Johannesburg se gemiddelde bevolkingsdigtheid slegs 2 500 inwoners per vierkante km. Die idee is om arm mense nader aan die werkplekke te bring en om motors met openbare vervoer te vervang. Die ANC wil ook ontwikkelaars dwing om wit en swart deurmekaar te laat woon deur ʼn vereiste te stel dat bekostigbare behuising in elke nuwe ontwikkelingsprojek ingesluit word.

“Globale stadstreke” het nasiestate verbygesteek as die belangrikste ekonomiese eenhede. Die grootste onder hulle is tans Boston-New York-Washington wat 55 miljoen mense huisves en gelykstaande is aan die vierde grootste ekonomie ter wêreld. ʼn Amerikaanse stadskenner, Richard Florida, het onlangs geskryf dat “Sjina as ʼn ekonomiese eenheid so te sê sinloos is. Wat saak maak, is sy megastede: Sjanghai tot Nanking, met 50m mense; Hong Kong tot Sjenzen, met 40m; asook groter Beijing met 36m.

Gauteng gaan die 12de grootste van die 20 globale stadstreke wees, met 14,6m mense.  Of Johannesburg egter van gedaante in ʼn Lagos of ʼn New York gaan verwissel, is nog nie seker nie. Mnr. Herman Pienaar van Johannesburg se stadsbeplanningsdepartement wil toesien dat hoër estetiese standaarde by nuwe geboue gehandhaaf word. Prof. François Viruly van die Witwatersrandse Universiteit is bekommerd dat daar geen beplanning vir nie-handelsinstellings soos skole, parke, biblioteke en klinieke is nie. “As daar geen beplanning is om dienste in die vervoernodes te integreer nie, kan die gebiede in slums soos Hillbrow en Berea ontaard,” meen hy.

Wat Johannesburg se grootste probleem, misdaad, aanbetref, kyk die munisipaliteit na die voorbeelde van Colombia en Brasilië waar Bogota en Curitiba onderskeidelik veilig gestel is. “Ons behoort dieselfde reg te kry,” verseker Phil Harrison, ʼn voormalige Wits-professor en tans hoof van stadsbeplanning in Johannesburg.

Die premier van Gauteng, Sam Shilowa, is ook vol vertroue dat alle regeringsvlakke saamwerk om van Johannesburg ʼn sukses te maak. “ʼn Stadstreek wat doeltreffend in die globale ekonomie kan meeding verteenwoordig die sleutel tot Suid-Afrika se groei, asook ons vermoë om armoede, werkloosheid en onderontwikkeling die hoof te bied,” sê hy.

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‘Regstellende aksie nie te blameer’

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Mlambo-Ngcuka

Volgens adjunkpresident Phumzile Mlambo-Ngcuka is die huidige gebrek aan vaardighede in die land die gevolg van vinnige ekonomiese groei. Sy het geantwoord op ’n vraag wat Woensdag in die parlement deur die Demokratiese Alliansie (DA) aan haar gestel is. “Die persepsie dat regstellende aksie gelei het tot ’n groot verlies aan vaardighede vir die land word nie deur onlangse studies – wat deur gerespekteerde instellings uitgevoer is – ondersteun nie,” het sy gesê.

Alhoewel dit waar is dat maatskappye sukkel om plaaslik mense met die nodige vaardighede te werf, moet die onlangse vinnige groei van die ekonomie die skuld vir die situasie kry, meen sy. “Vaardighede is mobiel; ons kan dus verwag dat sommige mense sal vertrek en dat ander hierheen sal kom.” Sy het verwys na onlangse bevindings dat die implementering van regstellende aksie “baie stadig en pynlik verloop, en in sommige gevalle glad nie toegepas word nie. Moenie voëlverskrikkers oprig en die indruk skep dat regstellende aksie mense wegneem van hulle werk, of hulle benadeel nie,” het sy aan die DA gesê. Diegene wat wel benadeel word, is swartmense, aldus die adjunkpresident.

’n Verslag oor swart ekonomiese bemagtiging wat onlangs deur die Universiteit van Pretoria uitgevoer is, het getoon dat helfte van die maatskappye wat by die studie betrek is, nie gelyke indiensneming toegepas het nie. Sowat 82% het verder nie ag geslaan op vereistes ten opsigte van die ontwikkeling van werknemers se vaardighede nie. “Dus kon regstellende aksie nie so ’n groot impak op vaardighede gehad het nie, gegewe die traagheid van maatskappye om dit deur te voer,” het die adjunkpresident verder gesê.

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‘Indi?rs is gou om oor rassisme te kla’

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Greg Chappell

Greg Chappell, voormalige krieketkaptein van Australië, glo dat hy die slagoffer van ’n rassistiese aanval was terwyl hy die Indiese span afgerig het. Die insident is egter deur die plaaslike krieketowerhede toegesmeer. Chappell maak hierdie aantyging in ’n dokumentêre rolprent oor sy twee jaar as afrigter van die Indiese span. Dit word volgende week op Australiese televisie vertoon, volgens ’n berig wat vandag in The Australian verskyn het.

Chappell beweer dat hy in Januarie vanjaar deur ’n ontevrede kriekettoeskouer geslaan en rondgestamp is toe die Indiese span in Bhubaneswar aangekom het vir ’n eendagtoets teen die Wes-Indiese eilande. “Ek is aan die kant van my gesig geslaan en my onmiddellike reaksie was ‘hy het my kakebeen gebreek,’” het Chappell gesê. “Indiërs is baie gou om oor rassisme te kla. Daar was ’n hele spul Indiese krieketspelers wat die ou kon aanval, maar hy het verkies om my te takel. Ek glo ook nie regtig die storie dat hy ongelukkig was oor die min Orissa-spelers in die Indiese span nie. As dit die geval was, waarom het hy dan nie die voorsitter van die seleksiekomitee, of iemand anders wat by die proses betrokke was, aangeval nie? Hoekom een van die buitelanders in die groep aanval – vir my as afrigter? Daar steek meer hierin.”

Chappell, wat uit sy pos as afrigter bedank het ná Indië se power vertoning tydens die Wêreldbekertoernooi, sê hy is steeds ontsteld oor die aanval en die gebrek aan gepaste reaksie deur Indiese krieketbeamptes. “Soos ek aan die Indiese krieketbeheerraad gesê het, as dit een van die spelers is wat aangeval is, sou daar ’n groot ophef gewees het, maar omdat dit ek was, het niemand skynbaar omgegee nie. Hulle het my toe van rassistiese kommentaar beskuldig. Dit was heel duidelik dat dit ’n ernstige aanval was. Dit was nie net ’n klap op die rug, soos aan die media vertel is nie. Dit is toegesmeer. Almal het begin toesmeer. Die hele ding is net begrawe.”

Chappell se aantygings volg op voorvalle verlede maand toe Indiese skares vir Andrew Symonds, die  swart Australiese krieketspeler, met aapgeluide en- gebare getart het.

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‘Rape happens’

"This thing of rape," said Colonel Edmond Ngarambe, shifting uneasily on his wooden bench high in the mountains of the eastern Democratic Republic of Congo, "I can’t deny that happens. We are human beings. But it’s not just us. The Mai Mai, the government soldiers who are not paid, the Rastas do the same thing. And some people sent by our enemies do it to cause anger against us."

The colonel’s words lay bare a brutal reality about the wretched use of rape as an instrument of war in the eastern DRC.

The growing numbers of women who arrive daily at hospitals as a fresh bout of fighting engulfs the region often have no idea whether their attackers were from the Mai Mai traditional militia, renegade Tutsi soldiers or a group of deserters from an array of armed groups who wear dreadlocks, call themselves the Rastas and specialise in particularly brutal treatment of their victims.

Ngarambe’s own men in the Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda (FDLR), which evolved out of the army and militia that fled into the DRC after leading the 1994 genocide of Rwanda’s Tutsis, have been named by human rights groups as among the worst offenders in the onslaught against women, hundreds of thousands of whom have been raped over the past decade of conflict.

Rape has been used to terrorise and punish civilians in the DRC who support the "wrong side", and it is perhaps no coincidence that it was also a tool of genocide in the mass murder of the Tutsis. Sexual violence is now so widespread that the medical aid charity Médecins sans Frontières (MSF) says that 75% of all the rape cases it deals with worldwide are in the eastern DRC. Darfur is a distant second.

"The two places don’t compare," said Augustin Augier, the MSF administrator at Rutshuru hospital, who was previously posted to Darfur. "There you have a lot of people in camps but here the insecurity is so much worse."

‘Barbaric’
The numbers of women seeking treatment for rape at the hospital has risen as a conflict that has already left four million dead over the past decade has reignited.

Human rights groups describe gang rapes as commonplace and often accompanied by "barbaric" acts of torture, with victims beaten with clubs, cut with knives or sexually assaulted with guns. Many young women have been abducted into sexual slavery.

The largest United Nations peacekeeping force in the world of more than 17 000 troops has done little to stop it. Instead, the primary attempt to discourage sexual violence appears on hand-painted murals on walls across the region telling men that it is not manly to rape.

Some of the victims make their way to Rutshuru hospital where they are met by Esparance Kiakimwa (29), a nurse in its sexual violence unit.

"We treat women and children from many places, sometimes very far. Many others can’t get the courage to walk, so far so those who arrive often tell us that all the women in the village were raped but they are the only ones to make it to the hospital. The numbers that make it are only a small part of the total," she said.

"They arrive on the back of motorbikes and in cars but sometimes on foot, walking for days because they don’t have any money for transport. They have all kinds of injuries like knife cuts and damage to the vagina. It’s worse for the young girls. We have to take them immediately to surgery."

Many of the women do not make it to hospital within the 72 hours after the rape in which antiretroviral drugs to reduce the possibility of contracting HIV are most effective. Four percent of those who seek treatment are men.

Hiding
One woman who sought treatment at the hospital tells how she hasn’t dared sleep in her own home for months. "Every woman in the village leaves at night to sleep in the bush because of the raping. They still loot, but if they can’t find us they can’t rape us," she said.

Augier said that women in many villages dare not sleep in their own homes. Others are too afraid even to go to the outskirts of their communities to tend to crops because so many women have been seized in the fields, contributing to the rise in malnutrition and disease that has claimed so many lives.

"People live in fear, so they live in the bush. They expose themselves to diseases: malaria, gastro-enteritis. It’s cold at night. All of this claims lives," he said.

Human Rights Watch said in a recent report that some armed groups appear to regard rape as a battle tactic aimed at breaking civilian support for rivals or as a means of punishing other ethnic groups.

"In some cases soldiers or combatants raped women and girls as young as five years old as part of a more general attack in which they killed and injured civilians and looted and destroyed property. Their intent was to terrorise communities into accepting their control or to punish them for real or supposed links to opposing forces," it said.

The FDLR is among the primary culprits. But the forces of Laurent Nkunda, a renegade Tutsi general who broke away from the Congolese army to fight the FDLR, have also been accused of systematic rape of Hutu women. So too have the Mai Mai.

Immaculee Birhaheka, head of a women’s rights group in Goma, Paif, said those women who make it to hospital are just a fraction of those attacked. She gave as an example what happened in villages along the road south from Goma toward Bukavu.

"The women who come from there tell us that every woman in every village has been raped over the years. There is not one who was not attacked they told us," she said. "Some of them were captured and taken into the forest for months, even two years. When they are released some are in such bad condition that they die."

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‘Riddled with corruption’

Widespread corruption and mismanagement are revealed in a confidential presidential audit in Sierra Leone exclusively obtained by the BBC.

Newly-elected President Ernest Bai Koroma commissioned the report.

It catalogues grave inadequacies in key areas such as health care, tax collection and the security services.

And it provides a unique and searingly frank insight into the sometimes opaque business of running a poor African nation through years of war and chaos.

One arm of government, for example, is alleged to have lent more than $1m (£480,000) to an unspecified recipient in the few months before the recent handover of power.

"We would advise," the report says coldly, "an investigation into the reasons for the loan".

At one ministry, the report seen by the BBC says, a project worth almost $500,000 was apparently financed by an international donor – but the money never reached the intended recipients. 

 
The Sierra Leonean Ministry of Agriculture is described as having "almost zero productivity" at the lower levels of employment.

Financial accounts are reported to have gone missing from many ministries and the culture of record-keeping is generally said to be "in a miserable state".

These findings might not be surprising to anyone who lives in Sierra Leone or any number of poor nations that have been through such chaotic times.

But what is unusual about this report is to have the problems set out so clearly – and in a way that may ultimately put the credibility of the presidency at stake.

In the 10 years I have been visiting this beautiful, friendly, but exasperating country, I have lost count of the number of times decent and honest Sierra Leoneans have told me corruption was their greatest problem.

The confidential presidential report obtained by the BBC acknowledges corruption as "the greatest impediment to the country’s development".

Newly-elected President Koroma has said dealing with corruption is his mantra; Sierra Leoneans may now take him, and judge him, at his word.

Sierra Leone, one of the poorest countries in the world, is very slowly recovering from a decade of brutal war that ended in 2001.

But it still faces huge challenges.

The war started in 1991 when rebels crossed from Liberia and took Sierra Leone’s diamond fields.

The rebels initially benefited from widespread dissatisfaction with corrupt government in Freetown – which they successfully used as a rallying call to unemployed, frustrated youth.

After years of widespread atrocities, the rebels were eventually defeated by a United Nations peacekeeping force and a separate intervention by the British army.

This year the country held elections that were seen as fair and were won by the opposition.

There has been a peaceful handover of power to President Koroma.

The transition was, by Sierra Leonean standards, a model of tolerance and fair play.

APC supporters celebrate victory in Sierra Leone’s presidential election
The recent polls won by the opposition were seen to be fair

But President Koroma has inherited a bankrupt nation which is riddled with corruption.

This report shows what a mountain he has to climb.

It is common for African politicians to accuse governments of corruption when they are in opposition.

But they often fall into the same habits when they take power.

President Koroma’s toughest test will be to show Sierra Leoneans not only that he is different, but that he can change the decades-old habits of almost everyone in government.

The confidential audit obtained by the BBC must make sobering reading for President Koroma. It is a picture of an economy in crisis.

But the report also raises more questions than it answers.

These questions include:

# Will those responsible for past corruption be prosecuted?

# Will any prosecutions be seen as a "witch hunt" – and potentially backfire?

# What safeguards could stop future corruption?

# What was the role of donors, especially the largest donor, Britain, while corruption flourished?

# How will the new government address the twin problems of an impoverished countryside and a corrupt capital city – which was one of the original causes of the war?

A frank report on corruption is one thing, Sierra Leoneans may say; solving the problems it highlights is another.

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Russia to explore Namibian oil

A Russian oil drilling company, Sintezneftgaz, is expected to start drilling for oil in Block 1711 in the Namibe Basin early next year.

In an interview yesterday, Oil Commissioner, Immanuel Mulunga, said Sintezneftgaz is expected to start drilling in the first quarter of next year.

This will be the sixteenth oil well to be drilled since Namibia’s independence and the first since the Ministry of Mines and Energy declared an open licence system in 2005. "Drilling is expected during the first quarter of next year. We believe by mid next year there will be good news for the country," said the Oil Commissioner.

Offshore exploration star-ted off the Namibian coast in 1968 leading to Chevron’s discovery of the giant Kudu Gas Field in 1973. Further exploration only took place after Namibia’s independence in 1990 and two years later, the first blocks for oil and gas exploration were awarded. Of the wells drilled so far, Mulunga said, no oil was found but active petroleum substances were highly present. General Representative of Sintezneftgaz Namibia Limited for Africa, Dr Valentin Khalin, was optimistic that his company will find what others have searched for in Namibia.

"We have 90 percent expectation to find oil or gas. No one can be 100 percent sure of what is under the surface of the earth," he said through an interpreter.

He added that once the exploration is done, hopefully by June next year, the company is prepared to set up oil pumping and refinery infrastructure as well as transport network. So far, the company has spent about US$8 million in its quest to find the much-wanted resource in Namibia. Last year April, Namibia signed a four-year multi-million-dollar exploration deal with Sintezneftegaz to look for oil and gas along the country’s coastline.

The US$84 million (69 million euros) deal marked the Moscow-based company’s first venture into Africa, looking at an area off Namibia’s northern border with Angola, which is sub-Saharan Africa’s second largest oil producer.

Formerly held by the US-based Vanco Energy Company, oil specialists say Block 1711 is said to have potential to yield viable quantities of both oil and gas. Sintezneftegaz will keep a 70 percent share in the Namibian venture, while sharing a 10 percent equity stake with South Africa’s national petroleum company PetroSA. Recent months have seen the country award several gas and oil exploration licences, mainly offshore. There are about 15 licence holders in oil exploration and drilling, Mulunga said. Last week, a Croatian oil company, INA Industrija, announced it would commence its seismic survey in the Nama Basin.

The survey, Mulunga said, will ascertain the presence of oil in the area under study. Initially, the company saw no need to conduct the seismic study but according to the Ministry of Mines and Energy, it is part of the requirements that such an exercise be carried out.

It is estimated that the survey will take two to three months. The company will engage about 60 Namibians and 20 Croatians. "After the study, they will interpret the results and decide on the best area to drill," Mulunga said. "The prospects are good. We are excited about the study and the drilling campaign," said the Oil Commissioner. The study will cost about US$30 million while drilling will cost about US$5 million. The oil project is set to boost the country’s economy by bringing in foreign currency, Mulunga said. Namibia would also be able to build an oil refinery, something the country has long hoped for.

Namibia imports its oil and related products from other countries such as South Africa. INA Industrija acquired its exploration licence two years ago and the licence was extended last month to allow the company to complete its initial programme.

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ANC Gauteng Branches Opt for Zuma

THE majority of African National Congress (ANC) Gauteng branches have come out in support of Jacob Zuma in the party’s leadership race set to come to a head at its conference in 34 days.

In Johannesburg, Gauteng’s most influential region, not a single branch voted in favour of President Thabo Mbeki’s bid for a third term. More than half of Johannesburg’s branches have completed their nomination processes. The region produces a quarter of ANC’s Gauteng delegates going to the elective national conference in Polokwane.

Meanwhile, nothing has come of reports of Mbeki’s imminent nomination by the ANC’s Sandton branch.

An insider said yesterday the Sunday afternoon branch general meeting "did not materialise" as delegates "failed" to pitch.

Commentators are looking to the ANC’s nomination process, which closes on November 26, for an early indication of the state of the Zuma-Mbeki race.

To add to Mbeki’s re-election woes in Gauteng, businessman Cyril Ramaphosa has secured more presidential nominations than Mbeki has in the province. Ramaphosa has five nominations, while Mbeki and another presidential hopeful, Tokyo Sexwale, have three each.

With just more than a quarter of the 354 branches in Gauteng having finalised their preferences for the ANC’s top posts, Zuma has already secured 57 presidential nominations.

Gauteng is the ANC’s fourth- largest voting bloc at the national conference, after Eastern Cape, KwaZulu-Natal and Limpopo.

Steven Friedman, senior research associate at policy think-tank Idasa, said the Gauteng picture was a bigger problem for Mbeki than the news for Zuma that he was losing the nomination race in Eastern Cape.

"This must weigh heavily for Mbeki, and surely will make him pause for thought. The question of how important it is for him to beat Zuma has to arise. What happens to his legacy? What if he ends up losing, what if he ends up winning but only by 52% or 54 % of the vote ?" Friedman asked.

Another insider said that the ANC Youth League in Gauteng had been "instrumental" in ensuring the upsurge of support for Zuma in the province.

The league remains Zuma’s key backer, while KwaZulu-Natal is regarded as his strongest constituency.

Mbeki’s main support base is Eastern Cape, while his lobbyists are also pursuing the ANC Women’s League’s nomination .
   

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Brain drain cannot be reversed

South Africa’s skills shortage has reached calamitous proportions, and the belief that expatriates will come home to reverse the situation is an illusion, a recruitment expert told a labour conference in Midrand.

Gusti Coetzer, of Leaders Unlimited, said there was a world-wide shortage of talented people and South African recruiters were "fishing in the same pool" as their competitors elsewhere in the world.

Speaking at the Labour Market conference in Midrand last week, Coetzer said the workforce had become globally integrated.

"There is a world-wide shortage of top people and executives can now pick and choose jobs.

"While job satisfaction and the quality of the company play a major role in attracting talent, ultimately the remuneration package and how it is structured remains the deciding factor.

"Mobility has created a world without boundaries where top executives can select who they want to work for. To think that South African executives who are working for multinationals are going to come back out of a sense of patriotism is completely unfounded," Coetzer said.

A more realistic approach to the skills shortage would be to nurture local talent by improving the country’s educational institutions.

She told the conference that in a recent Global Talent Index Survey, South African business schools were ranked 27th out of 30 (ahead only of business schools in Iran, Nigeria and Indonesia). More disturbing was the finding that South Africa’s proclivity to attract talent was ranked last.

She said among the things senior executives looked at when being head-hunted in South Africa was the company’s record in attracting and retaining staff.

Coetzer said it was not true that South African executives were overpaid.

"Salaries and benefits like performance bonuses and share options are set internationally and top men and women in the boardroom earn much the same across the world because of the global fluidity of the workforce," she said.

Among the prime jobs on which recruitment efforts were focused, were chartered accountants to be employed as chief financial officers. There was also a huge shortage of qualified engineers.

Project managers, supply chain and logistic managers, and research and development staff were also difficult to recruit.

She said it was imperative that South African universities reversed the appalling pass rates notched up in the engineering disciplines.

"Recent figures show that between 1998 and 2004, of the 50 570 students who were enrolled at tertiary institutions, only 8 900 graduated, which represents a pass rate of only 17,7 percent."

She also revealed that only about 700 engineers entered the economy yearly, while the demand for new engineers would be about 11 000 by 2010.

While black economic empowerment had generally been embraced, the sector that needed to be commended was financial services, where 52 percent of analysts were black.

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