Leon Lemmer: Regse politiek in Noorweë

Bruce Bawer, ‘n Amerikaner wat sedert 1999 in Noorweë woon, het bekendheid verwerf met sy boek oor die verideologiseerde linksheid van die Amerikaanse universiteitswese: The victims’ revolution: The rise of identity studies and the closing of the liberal mind (New York: Broadside Books, 2012, 405p; Amazon Kindle $15,95). Voor dit het hy reeds sy verontwaardigde aandag toegespits op die kulturele aftakeling wat immigrante in Europa veroorsaak. Sy bekendste boek hieroor is: While Europe slept: How radical Islam is destroying the West from within (New York: Doubleday, 2006, 256p; Amazon Kindle $9,31). Hy het dit opgevolg met nog ‘n boek oor dieselfde onderwerp: Surrender: Appeasing Islam, sacrificing freedom (New York: Anchor, 2009, 338p; Amazon Kindle $15,95). Maar ek gaan my aandag bepaal by sy latere boek, The new Quislings: How the international left used the Oslo massacre to silence debate about Islam (New York: Broadside Books, 2012, 109p; Amazon Kindle $7,97).

Bawer beoog om “home truths about Islam and multiculturalism” tuis te bring, bv “that Islam was not all sweetness and light” (Kindle 643). Die “Quislings” in die boektitel verwys na Vidkun Quisling (1887-1945), wat tydens die Duitse besetting van Noorweë die staatshoof was (1940/1942-1945) en na die ontsetting weens verraad tereggestel is; onder meer omdat hy Noorweegse Jode na Duitsland gedeporteer het. “Quislings” het ‘n sinoniem vir heulers en verraaiers geword; ‘n term wat sedert 1990 goedskiks op sommige Afrikaanssprekende blankes toegepas kan word. Bawer gebruik die term Quislinge vir polities linkses wat bv pro-Moslem-immigrasie is en daardeur tradisionele Noorweegse kultuur ondermyn. Jostein Gaarder, die outeur van bv Sophie’s world (1991) en wat sterk pro-Palestynsgesind is, is ‘n Quisling. Gaarder ontken dat hy anti-Joods is, maar hy het geskryf: “To present oneself as God’s chosen people is not just stupid and arrogant, but a crime against humanity. We call it racism … We do not believe in divine promises as a justification for occupation and apartheid” (1006).

Die Oslo-slagting het op 22 Julie 2011 plaasgevind. Die moordenaar is Anders Behring Breivik. Hy het ‘n bom by ‘n regeringsgebou in Oslo laat ontplof wat 8 mense gedood het. Daarna het hy na die eiland Utøya gegaan waar ‘n jeugkamp gehou is. Hier het hy 69 jeugdiges doodgeskiet. Sy motief was om beswaar te maak teen die invloei van immigrante uit die Derde Wêreld. Hy was beswaard oor die regerende Arbeidersparty se skepping van ‘n welsynstaat en sy immigrasiebeleid. Daarom die aanval op die regeringsgebou. “The Oslo bombing was intended to be an execution of the party’s current leaders. The massacre at the camp … was meant to destroy its next generation of leaders” (1156). Slegs sowat ‘n halfdosyn van die jeugdige slagoffers op die eiland was immigrante.

Toe nuus van die slagting bekend geword het, is aanvanklik algemeen vermoed dat Moslem-ekstremiste daarvoor verantwoordelik was. Later het dit geblyk dat ‘n Noorweër die enigste persoon is wat die massamoord gepleeg het. Die aanvanklike vermoede het gelei tot ‘n reuse veldtog om Noorweërs skuldig te laat voel (soos wat van blankes plaaslik verwag word om skuldig oor apartheid te voel). Enersyds was daar ‘n oorreaksie ten bate van immigrante, gestu deur regerings- en mediapropaganda, bv “All Norway is one, united in love” (374). “During the days after the atrocities, the Norwegian TV news showed leading politicians and other prominent figures making pilgrimages to mosques and hugging imams” (483). Andersyds het etniese Noorweërs selfondersoek gedoen en hulle afgevra in hoeverre daar reste van hulle onbeskaafde Vikingvoorgeslagte in hulle oorgebly het. Hierdie tweevoudige reaksie is die tema van Bawer se boek.

Die populêre selfbeeld van Noorweërs is dat hulle goeie mense is, “an inner Lutheran – a stiff-necked, holier-than-thou moralist missionary imbued with an overweening, unconscious condescension toward members of the lesser races, whom they are eager to help ‘save’ in order to revel in their own virtue … I have never seen a country’s elite make more of a spectacle out of its foreign aid and charity efforts” (700). Die propagandaveldtog om die herstel van Noorweërs se tradisionele selfbeeld was so fel dat selfs die regse Vooruitgangsparty (Progress Party), eens die tweede grootste politieke party in Noorweë, oor sy weersin in immigrasie teruggekrabbel het. Al wat dit hierdie party in die sak gebring het, is verminderde steun by die kiesers.

Die outeur vestig die aandag op die Noorweegse regering se geskiedenis van slegte behandeling van Jode en sy openlike ondersteuning van terrorisme. Bawer verwys bv na die toekenning in die hoofstad Oslo van “Nobel Peace Prizes to murderers” (694); sommige van hierdie pryswenners word hoog in Suid-Afrika geag. Breivik is pro-Israel-gesind (419) wat gekontrasteer kan word met “many Scandinavian leftists’ pathological anti-Semistism and loathing of Israel” (425). Die Oslo-slagting het as onwenslike gevolg dat geregverdigde kritiek op Islam gesmoor word omdat Breivik met die Vooruitgangsparty en die afkeuring van politieke korrektheid geassosieer word.

In sy manifes noem Breivik dat Europa met massamoord van sy polities linksgesindes, bv kulturele marxiste wat multikulturalisme voorstaan, gered moet word. Volgens Breivik gaan dit vir hom om die oorlewing van Westerse beskawing. Hy is ‘n beweging bestaande uit ‘n enkele mens. Breivik haal Andrew Jackson (1767-1845, Amerikaanse president 1829-1837) soos volg aan: “One man with courage makes a majority” (156). Die Amerikaanse digter Robert Frost (1874-1963) het gesê: “Don’t ever take a fence down until you know why it was put up” (162). Hier kan ‘n mens aan die beskerming van landsgrense teen die invloei van bv ongewenste immigrante dink en ook aan die redes vir kultuurgebaseerde rasse-segregasie.

Bawer verwys na die “censorship of European media”, wat (soos in Suid-Afrika) dikwels die vorm van polities korrekte selfsensuur aanneem: “The media are at pains to avoid identifying evildoers as Muslims”(388). In Suid-Afrika word misdadigers nie as bv swartes of as (onwettige) immigrante in die massamedia geïdentifiseer nie omdat dit glo rasse- en vreemdelingehaat sou aanblaas. “Some immigration-related issues are not open to debate in Sweden”* (182). In Noorweë word linkse koerante deur die regering gesubsidieer (550). Die Oslo-slagting is gedebatteer teen die agtergrond van die “Danish author Lars Hedegaard’s grim prediction of Europe’s future” (184). Hedegaard het dit veral teen Islamisering terwyl Breivik ook oor militante feminisme beswaard is. “He recalls ‘mandatory knitting and sewing courses’ in primary school, the goal of which, in his view, was ‘to feminise European boys'” (220). Peder Jensen “thought feminism had been the ruin of Norway, destroying the once proud Viking nation’s willingness to stand up for itself” (1589). Breivik se standpunt kan soos volg opgesom word: “I did everything I could to stop and reverse the European cultural and demographic genocide and end and reverse the Islamisation of Europe” (258).

[* Swede is nie werklik dié toonbeeld van vryheid en verligtheid nie. “Homeschooling is now illegal in Sweden” (Julian Langness, bron hier onder, Kindle 853). Sweedse skoolkinders word op hierdie manier gedwing om met immigrante te meng. Daarteenoor neem tuisonderwys in party Amerikaanse state amper dieselfde afmetings as staatsonderwys aan, juis omdat Amerikaanse ouers die vryheid gegun word om hulle kinders uit rasgeïntegreerde skole te hou. “The overwhelming number of … immigrants has created a large housing crisis in Sweden, and in 2015 some members of the Swedish political establishment even suggested seizing summer homes from Swedish citizens to be used as housing for these asylum seekers, as well as taking old churches and reconstituting them for the same purpose. In modern Sweden, multiculturalism has become the veritable state religion, and any public speech or information that deviates from this narrative is considered dangerous and unacceptable” (853).]

Toe Bawer in 1998 in Amsterdam gewoon het, het dit hom opgeval “that the children of immigrants were more hostile to their surroundings that their parents had been” (270); dus die teenoorgestelde van assimilasie. Dit kontrasteer met die aanvanklike situasie toe “our new countrymen” geloof is want hulle “enriched Europe” met hulle kultuur en selfs met hulle blote teenwoordigheid (624). “In the months before July 22 [2011], the leaders of Western Europe’s three largest countries, Angela Merkel [Germany], Nicolas Sarkozy [France], and David Cameron [Britain], pronounced the failure of multiculturalism” (649; ook 994, 1785). In 2001 het die Noorweegse kulturele antropoloog Unni Wikan die blaam vir die kolossale toename in verkragtings in Noorweë, meesal deur nie-Westese mans teen etniese Noorweegse vroue gepleeg, op die slagoffers se uitlokkende kleredrag geplaas (283). Hierdie vroue kan glo interkulturele harmonie bevorder deur hulle kleredrag te verander (289). Daar was ‘n inisiatief van “Norways Anti-Racist Center … In order to overcome intercultural friction, non-Muslims should meet their Muslim neighbors over a cup of tea” (718).

In die praktyk is Quislinge “Eurabia propagandists”, dus mense wat ten gunste van die Islamisering van Europa is (1416). “Today’s Quislings insist that ‘fighting words’ are dangerous, that criticism of Islam is ‘hate speech'” (1217). Dit is soortgelyk aan die oproepe van ons plaaslike Maxiste dat ons nie iets ter behoud van Afrikaans en blankes se belange moet doen nie, dat ons gedwee agteroor moet sit, ons bekke moet hou en moet luister wat swartes te sê het en bowenal sonder beswaar moet afstaan wat hulle ook al begeer. Oor die beskuldiging van “racist Islamophobia” stel Bawer ‘n belangrike punt: “Hostility to Islam is not racism because Islam is not a race – it is a religion, one whose ideology, in a free country, should be subject to legitimate examination and criticism, which is what had finally begun to happen in Norway in recent years” (1342).

Die joernalis Roger Cohen, “a British-born Jew of South African extraction” (1329), is ‘n Quisling wat Israel veroordeel en Islamisering goedpraat. Maar daar is al hoe meer Europiërs wat tot die besef gekom het van “the duplicity of political leaders who have imposed upon them, without ever asking their permission, a mass immigration into their countries that has radically altered their lives and seriously imperiled their futures” (1354). “Cohen’s article was a fine example of how PC [Political Correctness] works: not through fair argument with respect for the truth, but through moral intimidation, the demonizing of one’s opponents, and the characterization of their opinions as dangerous” (1367).

Julian Langness

Soos Bawer is Julian Langness ‘n Amerikaner. Hy het ru in die Rotsgebergte grootgeword en daar geleer om sy man te staan en indien nodig te baklei: “The area I grew up in was a blue collar logging community high in the Rocky Mountains” (bron hier onder, Kindle 734). Dit lyk asof hy egte Vikingbloed het. Hy het Noorse voorouers en het daarom die behoefte gehad om tydens sy besoeke aan Europa ook Noorweë te verken. Sy voorouers het in Halden in die suid-ooste van Noorweë by die grens met Swede gewoon. Die Swede is destyds deur die Noorweërs as invallers en stropers ervaar. Langness het ‘n boek oor sy wedervarings gepubliseer: Fistfights with Muslims in Europe: One man’s journey through modernity (Mead: ES Linden Co, 2016, 95p ; Amazon Kindle $1,13). “My tribe is that of Europe” (1232). “The longing for tribe and heritage is one of the most innate drives that we as humans possess” (73).

Op universiteit in Amerika “over and over I would hear the refrain that America and Europe were racist lands, whose histories were of nothing more than oppression and patriarchy and violence” (395). Die wit dosente “were devoting their lives to teaching about the evils of their ancestors” (402). “History is thus one long story of the downtrodden and powerless taking back what should rightfully be theirs” (1068). Nelson Mandela was in dieselfde tradisie: Suid-Afrika is die swartes se land en daarom is dit reg dat hulle dit vir hulleself toe-eien. Langness se opmerkings oor die Amerikaanse universiteitswese is soortgelyk aan wat Bruce Bawer in sy 2012-boek (1ste paragraaf hier bo) geskryf het.

Die gevoel teen Amerika is baie sterk in Europa. Vandaar “the advice that those from the US should claim to be Canadian when travelling in Europe” (614). Europa se probleme met immigrante uit die Derde Wêreld het in die 1960’s begin toe sogenaamde gasarbeiders toegelaat is om die mannekragtekort, wat deur die baie gesneuweldes van die Tweede Wêreldoorlog veroorsaak is, te verlig. Hierdie gaste het permanente inwoners geword en mettertyd ook hulle uitgebreide gesinne/families in Wes-Europa hervestig. Daarna is hulle getalle in ruime mate met asielsoekers uit die Derde Wêreld aangevul. In hierdie proses het Duitsland bv baie Turke en Frankryk baie Algeriërs as burgers gekry.

Daar is ook die verskynsel van “the Graying of Europe” (833) waarvolgens die getal bejaardes vermeerder sonder dat hulle getalle met genoeg blanke kinders aangevul word. “The prime solution given by European analysts and politicians is the need for increased immigration, in order to provide an increased number of working-age citizens” (840). “This argument is based on the assumption that all these immigrants will quickly become fully-functioning, productive members of society … this is overwhelmingly not the case however” (847). Die probleem is dus nie net die groot getal immigrante nie. Dit is ook dat baie van hulle parasities op die welsynstelsels teer. Langness verwys na “large populations of immigrants displaying a combination of very high birthrates and very low labor participation rates” (528).

Die linkses “ascribe only economic motivations to the Islamists, when in reality what they are fighting for has nothing to do with economics” (454), want dit gaan om religie, die Islamisering van Europa, dus “to restore the caliphate”. Histories is dit gedoen deur “to either kill or convert” nie-Moslems (491). Eintlik gaan dit om baie meer as religie. “Islam is far more than merely a religion, encompassing also an entire social code and legal system. These rules govern even the most mundane tasks related to personal hygiene, diet, sexual intercourse, the justice system, personal finance, and economics. The codification of these laws and specific rules for everyday life, from the ‘Sharia’ to ‘Dhimmitude’* (the second-class legal status afforded to Christians and Jews in Muslim-majority countries) are what allowed Islam to expand so rapidly during its bursts and starts of conquest over the last fourteen hundred years. Indeed, Islam’s great power is rooted in this ability to expand and subjugate. The very term ‘Islam’ comes from the Arabic word for ‘submission'”** (499).

[* Die tweedeklas-burgerskap van blankes in die nuwe Suid-Afrika kan ook “dhimmitude” genoem word, maar dit is ras- pleks van religiegebaseerd, wat dit ‘n erger vergryp behoort te maak.
** Die titel van Michel Houellebecq se jongste roman is Submission (New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 2015, 257p; Amazon Kindle $13,67). In ‘n vroeëre roman, Platform (2001), het hy hom so krities oor Islam uitgelaat dat hy onsuksesvol van die opstoking van haat aangekla is. Die titel van Bruce Bawer se 2009-boek, Surrender (1ste paragraaf hier bo), is eintlik ook maar ‘n sinoniem vir “submission”.]

Moslems “do not support or acknowledge our Western political nation-state system as legitimate.” Wat hulle begeer, is “to destroy the system and replace it with theocratic rule” (513). Op sy beurt beteken dit die drastiese agteruitgang van Europa, want Moslems beskou 7de eeuse Arabië as die volmaakte samelewing (475). Dit is waarom lande waarin Islam oorheersend is wêreldwyd neig om agterlik te wees. Maar dit is sulke immigrante wat volgens oorverligtes in Europa verwelkom moet word. Volgens oorverligtes is daar ‘n manier waarvolgens die verdrinking van immigrante in die Middelandse See voorkom kan word: “These crossings must be made easier. They articulate that the problem is that it is too hard for asylum seekers to cross into Europe, and that only through helping them to do so more effectively can tragedies such as these drownings be stopped … The idea that the European nations’ liberal immigration policies – and their willingness to give government services to any migrants who can make it to their shores – create the problem of the drownings, is a concept never heard spoken” (868).

“No immigrant could commit a crime, no matter how heinous, without the Europeans jumping over themselves to take the blame. They spoke of European racism, of the history of colonialism, of socio-economic disparities, and of their failures to help immigrants make as much money as native Europeans … The Europeans seemed to have developed a collective ‘battered-wife syndrome’, in which any attack on them was considered legitimate, and where any problem caused them to immediately proclaim their guilt … what was most noticeable was the Europeans’ – and especially male Europeans’ – fear of standing up for themselves and others” (1000). “Indeed the behavior of European men seemed to indicate a wholesale societal rejection of manhood, and of honor most principally” (1023). Daar moet onderskei word tussen “a ‘good man’ versus being ‘good at being a man'” (1030).

“The European establishment is completely unwilling to look objectively at the question of immigration. They forge policies based on emotion – primarily sympathy and misplaced guilt – instead of rationally examining what is best for both the immigrants willing to risk their lives to come to Europe, and what is best for themselves and the people of their own countries. They are also unwilling to hold these immigrants accountable once they get to Europe, which further exacerbates the problem. Therefore the net result is massive numbers of immigrants, many if not most of whom are not integrated into the society into which they arrive … This destabilizes their host European countries” (876).

Die eerste Europese land wat Langness besoek het, is Nederland*. Tradisioneel roem Hollanders graag op hulle progressiewe, liberale politieke ingesteldheid, hulle “open-mindedness and tolerance” (579). Die vrye beskikbaarheid van prostitusie en dwelms is deel van hierdie opset. Die gewildheid van sport, televisie en videospeletjies dui vir Langness op die middelmatigheid en selftevredenheid wat hy ook elders in Europa aangetref het. Baie van hierdie mense leef in ‘n virtuele wêreld, “an omnipresent distraction from the real world” (656). Selfs die politiek word ‘n vorm van vermaak (686); ook hier by ons, waar parlementsittings met ‘n pryssanger begin. Maar nie net die politiek nie; ook openbare godsdiensbeoefening is al hoe meer ingestel op vermaak. Daar is megakerke met megaskerms, luidsprekers en “a hybrid preacher-comedian”** (693). Evangelical Christianity … has fallen into a pattern of making its services more and more indistinguishable from the outside world – and striving to create Churches that are identical to the secular and commercial spaces around them” (700).

[* Nederland was amptelik een van die mees uitgesproke lande teen apartheid. Dit was ‘n poging om ‘n ander beeld van homself te skep weens skuldgevoelens oor sy koloniale verlede. Multatuli (Eduard Douwes Dekker, 1820-1887) se boek, Max Havelaar (1860) oor Java, asook van sy ander geskrifte is klassieke uitbeeldings van die Nederlandse koloniale verlede.
** “Islam represents an almost diametrically opposed version of religion, one filled both with sacrifice and ritual. The ritual of ‘salat’ is at the very foundation of Islam, as well as a key ingredient of its dramatic success as an organized faith. Five times a day the individual Muslim engages in a ritual dating back 1400 years … Islam embraces its status as a medieval religion that is distinct from the trappings of our modern world. Many would argue that this is exactly why Islam is dangerous, and why its adherents tend towards fanaticism and violence, yet we ignore the attractiveness of Islam for these very same reasons at our peril” (693).]

“In contrast to this pattern of consumption is the act of creation*. Writing, singing, telling stories, building things, growing food and plants, cooking dinner, all are acts of an inventive nature. And many argue that there is a direct correlation between an individual’s level of creation and their sense of fulfillment with life … the act of creation increases our happiness and fulfillment and lessens our angst” (663). Verklaar ledigheid en die gebrek aan inisiatief en kreatiwiteit nie dalk ten minste deels waarom ons plaaslike voorheen benadeeldes, oftewel tans bevoordeeldes, hulle eerder tot vandalisme, oproer en ander vorme van anti-sosiale gedrag wend nie?

[* Jihad is die heilige oorlog wat deur Moslems teen nie-Moslens gevoer word. “The institution of jihad itself is viewed as an act of creation by those waging it. Through jihad the individual Muslim is creating sacrifice to God, creating new Muslims (through conquest), and creating or achieving glory for oneself as an individual Muslim as well as glory for one’s family” (707). Sommige Moslems word selfmoordmartelare, “another example of just how much some are willing to sacrifice for their religion and their God and their culture” (707).]

In Amsterdam is daar baie immigrante uit bv Suriname. In so ‘n immigrantebuurt is Langness met ‘n klip gegooi maar hy het sy aanvallers verwilder. Hierna is hy na Parys en daarna na Wene. Hy het in vuisgevegte met immigrante betrokke geraak en nie altyd die beste daarvan afgekom nie. In Wene was dit ‘n geval van “getting really beaten up” (964). Hy het ‘n afkeer van Europeërs se afsydigheid en onbetrokkenheid wanneer immigrante in die openbaar onreg teen blankes pleeg. Vir hom gaan dit om sy selfrespek te behou (765). In Frankryk is daar “No-go zones” vir blankes. Dit is die woongebiede van veral immigrante en word eufemisties “Sensitive Urban Zones” (363) of “Priority Security Zones” (371) genoem. Langness verwys na die berugte onluste in Parys in 2005. “While the groups of rioters were clearly North Africans and Middle-Easterners, the European media referred to them only as ‘youths’ and did not link the riots with Islam or immigration in any way. French Prime Minister Dominique De Villepin even argued that the term ‘riots’ should not be used” (371).

Toe Langness in Oslo aankom, het hy dit vreemd gevind dat sy gasvrou, ‘n maatskaplike werkster, op ‘n afgesonderde plek in ‘n woud woon. Dáár is minstens 18 woonstelblokke, elk 6 verdiepings hoog, in die Sowjetstyl en besmeer met graffiti. Dit is waar Islamiete en ander immigrante geakkommodeer word. Dit herinner aan hoe lokasies in die ou Suid-Afrika agter die bult of anderkant die spoorlyn weggesteek is. Maar hierdie soort apartheid word deesdae aangetref in ‘n land wat een van die heftigste kritici van die ou Suid-Afrika was. Tydens ‘n besoek aan ‘n klub vind Langness dat net etniese Noorweërs en ander blankes toegelaat word. Hoekom nie ander mense nie? “They are not allowed in … They cause trouble … criminality” (286).

Toe Langness in ‘n bus ry, het hy ‘n immigrant wat na luide, opruiende musiek ter steuring van die insittendes geluister het, terreggewys. Dit is iets wat die polities korrekte Noorweërs nie sou doen nie. ‘n Indiër met ‘n swaar Britse aksent het hom egter gesteun. “I felt bad about the incident, but chalked it up to a culture clash” (153). ‘n Noorweër vertel hom met afgryse van die toename in verkragtings. In die pers word dit nie aan bv Moslems toegeskryf nie, maar aan “youths”* (199). Langness skryf oor “the increasing Muslin-on-European rape epidemic** … But the European media and governments did not seem to grasp the severity of such problems. They were proud of their countries’ burgeoning multiculturalism, and believe any difficulties that existed would disappear once immigrants felt more at home and were on ‘equal footing’ with ‘equal opportunities'” (388). Dit lyk vir my asof dit in ‘n neutedop dieselfde beleid is as wat deesdae aan die Universiteit Stellenbosch (US) toegepas word. Die US-verkragtingskultuur is van die bitter vrugte van transformasie. Pleks van hemel en aarde te verskuif om net so bedenklik soos die nuwe Suid-Afrika te probeer wees, behoort die US sy heil eerder in beter verskansing teen en groter isolasie van die brutaliteit van die hede te soek.

[* Langness haal aan uit Bruce Bawer se 2006-boek: Unni Wikan “has noted that ‘not much was known about the situation of immigrants in Norway’ before 1995 because ‘such knowledge was considered dangerous’. Newspapers ‘were expressly forbidden to mention a person’s ethnic or immigrant background in reports on criminal cases lest a bad image be projected.’ (This in a land that regularly tops the list of nations supposedly having the most press freedom.) If Norwegians were given the facts, it ‘might trigger racist responses’ and ‘our “colorful community” … would suffer'” (861).
** “Sweden is now home to the second highest per capita rape rate in the world, ranking only after Lesotho” (1273)]

By die Noorweërs is daar heelwat sinisme oor die Swede. Nie net omdat Noorweë eers in 1905 onafhanklik van Sweedse heerskappy geword het nie, maar ook omdat Swede in die Tweede Wêreldoorlog ‘n deurroete na Noorweë aan Duitse soldate verskaf het. Langness verwys bv na die volgende oordrewe Sweedse poging tot moderniteit: “Sweden was officially encouraging schools to begin using ‘gender-neutral’ pronouns. Rather than ‘he’ and ‘she’, some schools in Sweden had officially begun using the word ‘hen’ – as in ‘hen said’ instead of ‘he said’ or ‘she said'” (985).

Langness se pessimistiese gevolgtrekking oor Europa is: “A culture that is unwilling to fight for its survival does not deserve to survive” (1346). Dit kan ook op blanke, insluitende Afrikaner-, kultuur van toepassing gemaak word.

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