Leon Lemmer: Michelle Obama, ‘n nasaat van slawe, en Chicago

Deel op

Michelle Obama (gebore Robinson in 1964), die huidige Amerikaanse presidentsvrou, het in 2011 saam met haar twee dogters ‘n amptelike besoek aan Suid-Afrika gebring. Die reisprogram is deur die twee regerings goedgekeur. Geen poging is aangewend om uit te reik na die blanke bevolking van Suid-Afrika nie. Besoeke aan bv die Voortrekkermonument, Vrouemonument en Afrikaanse Taalmonument was glad nie deel van die reisplan nie. Geen erkenning is gegee aan die blankes onder wie se leiding hierdie land ontwikkel is nie. Michelle is oud en ingelig genoeg om te weet dat swartes nie ‘n land met so ‘n gevorderde infrastruktuur geskep het nie; sekerlik nie in Afrika nie. Waaroor ek telkens tydens hierdie besoek gewonder het, is of sulke feite aan die twee kinders verduidelik is; hoogs waarskynlik nie.

Michelle se voorgeslag was slawe in Suid-Carolina. Sy het in Chicago grootgeword en het ‘n ouer broer, Craig. In 1985 het sy die graad BA, met Sosiologie en African American Studies as hoofvakke, aan Princeton-universiteit verwerf. As jong student het sy haar aangematig om kritiek uit te spreek oor die onderrigmetodologie wat in die Franse klasse gebruik is (Colbert, bron hier onder, Kindle 566). In 1988 het sy die regsgraad JD aan Harvard-universiteit voltooi. Daar het sy om die aanstelling van meer swart dosente betoog. Drie dinge val op: haar beterweterigheid (sy takseer haarself as “brilliant and black”), die toeganklikheid van top Amerikaanse universiteite vir swartes omdat hulle buitensporige voorkeur by toelating en die toekenning van studiebeurse kry, en haar verknogtheid aan en vooropstelling van swartwees; maar dan kla sy as sy nie sonder meer in blanke geledere aanvaar is nie.

Sy beweer dat sy sowel rasse- as geslagsdiskriminasie ervaar het. Michelle onderskryf mode-verskynsels soos vroue- en geslags- (LGBT-) regte, selfdegeslaghuwelike en sy praat graag van gelykheid, gelyke geleenthede, geregtigheid, menswaardigheid, hoop, ens. Volgens haar is kerke dié plekke waar politieke bewustheid gekweek moet word. In 1992 is sy met Barack in die bevrydingsteoloog Jeremiah Wright (Praag 9 Januarie) se kerk getroud. Haar pa is in 1991 oorlede. Haar ma het in 2009 saam met die presidentspaar die Withuis betrek. Die Obamas se eie woning is in Chicago. Soos in Suid-Afrika word stadia in die stryd om swart mag kort-kort herdenk en dan doen die Obamas as presidentsegpaar graag daaraan mee.

David Colbert

Daar is al talle biografieë oor Michelle Obama gepubliseer. Ek het op een besluit wat haar politiek belig: David Colbert se Michelle Obama: An American story (Boston: Houghton Mifflin Harcourt, 2009, 160p; Amazon Kindle $6,99). Ongelukkig is dit ‘n hagiografie in sy uiterste vorm. Die Obamas word uitgebeeld as die wonderlikste mense op aarde; twee mense wat die wêreld as’t ware soos die hemel maak. Die boek is in die aanvangsjaar van Barack Obama se presidentskap gepubliseer; toe alles moontlik in die openbare inligtingsmedia gedoen is om Amerikaners se verseker dat ‘n wonderlike tyd vir hulle voorlê. Daar word verwys na die klem wat Barack op verandering (“change”) gelê het, ten einde hom te distansieer van sy konserwatiewe voorganger, George W Bush. Barack se verkiesingslagspreuk was: “Yes We Can” (Kindle 29, 926). [Die veramerikaanste Wim de Villiers het in sy intreerede as rektor van die Universiteit Stellenbosch (US) blykbaar hierop gesinspeel deur telkens die frase “We can do it” as uitdrukking van sy veranderings-/transformasiemanie te gebruik (Praag 10 05 2015).]

Die toon/trant van Colbert se boek blyk uit sinne soos die volgende: Michelle Obama is “the first White House resident to descend from slaves” (40) en ‘n “famous home from that period [1792-1800] … built by slaves: the White House” (247). “Michelle’s great-great-grandfather, Jim Robinson, was a slave” (226). Michelle se voorsate word as voortreflik uitgebeeld, al het een ‘n afarm (269) en haar pa meervoudige sklerose gehad (275). Een voorsaat het na bewering die onmoontlike reggekry: “He taught himself to read and write” (280). ‘n Ander een was so fluks dat hy drie werke/betrekkings gelyktydig behartig het (286).

Daar word onder meer vertel dat blankes vanweë slawe-arbeid welvarend geword het: “The slave community … created this wealth” (p 209). Die slawe het glo Gullah, ‘n taal gebaseer op Engels, gepraat, maar “it borrows many of its words and much of its grammar from African languages” (215). Dit is die soort ding wat in pseudo-akademiese dissiplines soos Black Studies of African American Studies uitgedink word en eeder propaganda- as feitelik-wetenskaplike waarde het. In sowel Amerika as Suid-Afrika is daar baie mites oor slawetaal. Ek het voorheen daaroor geskryf: “Die ebonisering van Kaaps“.

Soos in Suid-Afrika was die swartes se stryd om burgerregte in Amerika gewelddadig, maar die geweldpleging deur swartes word glad nie in die boek genoem nie. Die gewelddadigheid van blankes word egter beklemtoon. “This was a period of great violence against African Americans” (308). Die Ku Klux Klan word ‘n “notorious hate group” genoem “that sought to terrorize African Americans” (308). Na die Eerste Wêreldoorlog “Ku Klux Klan members feared successful African Americans and were ready to do violence. The KKK and other groups and mobs even killed African American soldiers in uniform” (324). Weens sulke gebeure het Michelle se oupa na Chicago getrek (330). Sy sê: “He was proud of lineage” (340). Oor haar voorsate sê Michelle: “They were smart and worked hard … were able to lift themselves up” (373).

Van Michelle se moederskant af word gepoog om ‘n saak uit te maak dat daar Joodse (Cohen-) bloed is: “Michelle and the rest of her family believe there is at least one slave owner in her family tree” (357). In werklikheid is haar afstamming so duister soos dié van Barack (Praag 17 Januarie; kyk ook die leserreaksies). Michelle verduidelik dit soos volg: “A lot of times these stories get buried, because sometimes the pain of them makes it hard to want to remember” (362). Toe Barack in 2008 met sy presidensiële verkiesingsveldtog besig was, het hy gesê: “I am married to a black American who carries within her the blood of slaves and slave owners” (368). “Michelle is focused on the positive. ‘An important message in this journey is that we’re all linked'” (373).

As kind het Michelle ‘n “African American Barbie”-pop gehad (136). Sy het graag gelees en ook geleer om klavier te speel. Sy het ‘n opvlieënde humeur (153) maar dit word nie as ‘n negatiewe eienskap uitgebeeld nie; eerder as iets wat van haar ‘n presteerder (“achiever”) gemaak het. Sy het ‘n skool bygewoon “that reflected Chicago’s diversity” (392); “a melting pot” (432). Die kwotas was: 40% swart, 40% wit en 10% Spaanssprekende skoliere. “It didn’t recruit quite as many white students … even though standards were lowered for white students so more of them could get in” (426). (Soms/dikwels is die waarheid presies andersom, dus dat toelatingstandaarde vir swartes verlaag word.) Vir Michelle was daar uitdagings (“challenges”, 398), onder meer: “She was one of those students who do not do well in tests” (403). By geleentheid het sy by ‘n onderwyseres wat vir haar ‘n B-simbool gegegee het, daarop aangedring dat dit in ‘n A-simbool verander moet word (409).

Voor die 1960’s het Chicago rasgesegregeerde woongebiede gehad. Swartes het in oorbevolkte woonbuurte gebly en kon nie lenings bekom om huise te koop nie. “Because African Americans couldn’t easily leave, landlords took advantage of them. Buildings weren’t repaired. Rents were higher than elsewhere in the city” (449). (Soms/dikwels is die waarheid presies andersom, dus dat swartes minder of geen huur betaal nie.) In die 1960’s is woongebiedskeiding afgeskaf. “As African American families moved in, white families moved out” (449). “Property values went up in some neighbourhoods as African Americans moved in” (454). (Soms/dikwels is die waarheid presies andersom, dus dat eiendomspryse daal.) “Michelle’s experience at Whitney M Young* High School was a sign of how far the city had come” (471). In werklikheid staan Chicago deesdae as een van die mees geruïneerde Amerikaanse stede bekend. [* Whitney M Young (1921-1971) was ‘n swart politieke aktivis.]

Michelle het na universiteitstoelating geaspireer. Teen die einde van haar skoolloopbaan is egter aan haar gesê: “Your test scores aren’t high enough” (477). Haar broer was ‘n student aan Princeton-universiteit en sy het hom in 1981 daarheen gevolg. Swak skoolprestasie en onvoldoende studiegeld staan klaarblyklik nie in die weg van ‘n Amerikaanse swarte wat aan ‘n (top) universiteit wil studeer nie. In Suid-Afrika geskied universiteitstoelating en studiebeurstoekenning deesdae dikwels in groot mate ook op nie-akademiese rasgronde. Ek het onlangs oor die US se buitensporige, rasgebaseerde kriteria vir toelating tot mediese studie geskryf (Praag 28 November). Cecilia Denkema van Ladismith skryf: “My hart huil … vir my seun. Met 8 A-simbole en ‘n gemiddeld van 89% in die matriekeksamen kan hy geen plek vind om hom as ‘n dokter te bekwaam nie” (Die Burger, 16 Januarie, p 10). Geen reaksie op hierdie brief is gepubliseer nie.

Die bevrydingsteoloog Nico Koopman sal sulke blatante rassediskriminasie geregtigheid en gelyke behandeling vir almal noem. Mense soos die etiekkolos Anton van Niekerk en die militante feminis Amanda Gouws swyg soos die graf oor hierdie saak. Daar is myns insiens geen geldige manier waarop sodanige anti-akademiese immoraliteit goedgepraat kan word deur enigeen wat sy naam as akademikus werd is nie. In hierdie geval behoort geregverdigde verontwaardiging nie perke te ken nie. Desnieteenstaande word daar gewetenloos geswyg deur almal “wat ‘n verskil kan maak”. Wim de Villiers sal (seker) nie geroepe voel om iets aan die saak te doen nie, want dit is nie ‘n Open Stellenbosch-eis nie. Dit is onwaarskynlik dat hy ‘n oop gesprek hieroor sal aanmoedig of toelaat. Jimmy Volmink, die dekaan van die US se mediese fakulteit, sal dit (seker) ook nie oorweeg om aan die Denkema-seun plek bo ‘n akademies baie swakker nie-wit student te gee nie, want die standaardbeleid is om blatant teen wit kandidate te diskrimineer.

‘n Gebeurtenis wat Michelle oor haar tyd aan Princeton wêreldkundig gemaak het, is dat die familie van ‘n wit student, Catherine Rodrigue, beswaar geopper het omdat sy haar koshuiskamer met die swart Michelle moes deel (516): “Catherine is from the South [New Orleans] … We aren’t used to living with black people” (522). Michelle beskou dit as rassisme (528, 533). “Princeton did not admit its first regular African American student until 1947” (539). “The people running Princeton in Michelle’s time were determined to make up for the school’s [Princeton’s] ugly [!] past” (544). Dit is ‘n oordrewe stelling gebaseer op ‘n linkse politieke standpunt. In werklikheid geniet Princeton, gestig in 1746, reeds eeue lank wêreldwyd hoë akademiese aansien. ‘n Soortgelyke mentaliteit word in die nuwe Suid-Afrika aangetref, wanneer beweer word dat die land ‘n afgryslik slegte verlede het, terwyl dit bloot die politieke sienswyse van veral die ANC en sy meelopers weerspieël. In werklikheid het Suid-Afrika tydens die blanke bewind eeue lank in baie opsigte ‘n voortreflike geskiedenis gehad.

Princeton het in 1969 die eerste keer vrouestudente toegelaat (550). Dit is nie so sleg soos die outeur, Colbert, dit laat klink nie, want in Amerika was daar ‘n tradisie van afsonderlike universiteite vir mans en vroue; net soos daar steeds sulke skole in Suid-Afrika is. Colbert vertolk hierdie situasie sodat dit moet lyk asof Michelle veronreg is. “Some of the professors and other university staff believed they [women students] were not intelligent enough to understand the work. So Michelle had it doubly hard … Some of the alumni … were concerned about lower academic standards” (550). Dit is die bekende storie dat swartes dubbel so hard soos blankes vir dieselfde erkenning moet werk. Oor swart bevoordeling word gerieflikheidshalwe geswyg.

Nog ‘n onreg wat Colbert probeer staanmaak, is betreffende “eating clubs”. “Jews were excluded until the 1960s … women until 1990 … Michelle didn’t try to join a club. The idea behind them didn’t fit her personality” (577). By sommige klubs* was daar glo ‘n “culture of drunkenness … In that environment, a lot of things got said to people that might not be said when people were sober, and some of these things were disparaging racial comments” (577). Kortom, (sommige) blanke studente is dronkgatte en rassiste. Iets soortgelyks word nie van swart studente gesê of geïmpliseer nie. [* In Suid-Afrika word in hierdie konteks na “braaivleisvure” verwys.]

Let op hoe die outeur sake verder ten gunste van Michelle plooi: “She had chosen Princeton because it represented the wider world: new people, new experiences, new opportunities. She was not there to create a narrow, country club life surrounded by people just like her.* At Whitney M Young High School, she had been in a community of students who, like her, wanted to break down barriers. At Princeton, the social life was based on creating walls. Some students had selected the school [Princeton] because of those traditions” (582). “Instead of joining an eating club, Michelle joined Stevenson Hall, an alternative student center that had been formed in the late 1960s as part of a [black?] student-led movement to open the university to new social and academic ideas … Stevenson Hall had a kosher kitchen, because one of its roles was to provide a place to eat for Orthodox Jews” (588). “Michelle also spent a lot of time at the Third World Center, which had been established for minority students” (593). [* Dit herinner aan die blanke, Afrikaanse US van weleer wat deesdae suiwer ingevolge die mode-politiek as parogiaal of kleinburgerlik of benepe geëtiketteer word.]

As deel van haar studie het Michelle ‘n tesis voltooi op grond waarvan beweer is “Michelle hates white people … What scared the critics was the paper’s discussion of the isolation and rejection Michelle experienced at Princeton” (604). Sy het geskryf: “My experiences at Princeton have made me far more aware of my ‘Blackness’ than ever before. I have found that Princeton, no matter how liberal and open-minded some of my White professors and classmates try [!] to be toward me, I sometimes feel like a visitor on campus, as if I really don’t belong” (609). Dit is die gebruiklike versugting van ‘n swarte wat glo nie welkom genoeg laat voel is nie.* Sulke subjektiwiteite hoort myns insiens nie in ‘n akademies-wetenskaplike tesis nie. Selfs Colbert het sy bedenkinge oor wat Michelle geskryf het: “Not every word was perfect” (615). Michelle opper ook ander besware teen Princeton: “It had only five tenured African American professors. The Afro-American Studies department offered only four courses in the spring semester of her senior year” (626). Sy beoordeel Princeton heeltemal uit die oogpunt van swartes. Geen poging word aangewend om die universiteit uit ‘n breër akademiese perspektief te evalueer nie. [* Dit vind deesdae weerklank aan die US wat “‘n inklusiewe, verwelkomende tuiste … ‘n koesterende omgewing” (US-webwerf 21 Januarie) vir veral swartes wil wees.]

Van Princeton af is Michelle na Harvard om drie jaar lank in die regte te studeer. “She was more likely to disagree with a teacher than with a fellow student … true to her pattern, she challenged people in authority” (647). Sy het toe heelwat tyd in die regshulpkantoor deurgebring, wat seker gratis regshulp aan bv swartes verleen het. Daarna het sy ‘n betrekking in ‘n groot regsfirma in Chicago aanvaar. Sommige van haar kollegas het haar daar as “too demanding” ervaar (658). Barack het later by dieselfde onderneming begin werk. “They dated for three years” (781). In 1992 is hulle getroud. Hy was glo net so “accomplished” (758) en het net soveel “authenticity” (764) as sy.

Die wêreld is, volgens Barack, soms “disappointing and unfair – but our job as American citizens is to work toward building the world as it should be” (769). Michelle: “Real change comes from having enough comfort to be really honest and say something very uncomfortable” (860). Waarop dit neerkom, is dat albei Obamas aktiviste vir swart mag is. “Barack was frustrated by his own career. Although he was at a law firm that handled a lot of community service work, his cases hadn’t led to the sweeping changes he hoped to achieve” (866). In 1995 het hy hom vir die Illinois State Senate in Springfield verkiesbaar gestel. In 1997 is hy as staatsenator ingesweer. Michelle het die Chicago-universiteit se direkteur van gemeenskapsdiens geword, “a sign of how far the city had come” (880). In 1998 en 2001 is hulle twee kinders gebore. Terselfdertyd het die Obamas geldelike en huweliksprobleme ondervind. In 2004 het Barack ‘n US senator in Washington DC en in 2009 die Amerikaanse president geword. Michelle het Barack beskryf as “a smart man with a good heart” (968). Toe hy in 2008 die Demokratiese Party se presidentskandidaat geword het, het Michelle gesê: “For the first time in my adult life, I am really proud of my country” (1007).

Die indruk wat ek het, is dat die Obamas hulle eerder by die swartes as Amerikaners in die algemeen skaar en dat swartheid hulle albei veel eerder buitensporig bevoordeel as benadeel het. Hulle kan gerus meer erkenning aan die deugde van die Amerikaanse blank-oorheerste stelsel gee en veel groter beskeidenheid oor hulle eie gewaande prestasies aan die dag lê.

Paul Kersey

Daar is ‘n lesenswaardige Wikipedia-artikel oor “History of African Americans in Chicago.” As teenhanger vir Colbert se linkse boek gaan ek kortliks aanhaal uit Paul Kersey se Second city confidential: The black experience in Chicagoland (SBPDL Books, 2013, 266p; Amazon Kindle $7,97). Ek onderskryf nie (noodwendig) alles wat hy sê (sonder meer) nie. Weens ‘n gebrek aan ruimte bespreek ek nie die aanhalings nie. Ek moet ongelukkig ook ‘n redelike mate van kennis van Amerikaanse toestande veronderstel. Lesers moet maar self besluit in hoeverre hierdie aangeleenthede plaaslik ter sake is.

Barack Obama “recently told a black radio host in Chicago that his second term will focus on ‘communities of color'” (2767). Hy sê: “Chicago in many ways is the capital of the African-American community in the country” (704). Hy het daar as “community organizer” gewerk (Praag 17 Januarie). Oor die geruïneerde Chicago skryf Kersey: “The Chicago of Barack Obama is here. Congrats on that community organizing” (3622). Van Barack se mentor sê Kersey: “Saul Alinsky got his start ruining the quality of neighborhoods, communities, and cities, by trying to integrate Chicago” (1529). Oor die Obamas het die inwoners “no fear at all in talking about what a sham their marriage is and how the two of them benefited from affirmative action and white guilt their entire lives” (3310).

Die hoërskool wat Michelle bygewoon het, Whitney M Young, word spesifiek deur Kersey genoem (2849). “Chicago Public Schools … are basically low-level detention facilities; they exist to babysit … the public school system in Chicago operates as a low-level prison facility” (2859). Kersey verwys hier na die aanwesigheid van metaalverklikkers, veiligheidskameras, sekuriteitspersoneel en polisie, wat kenmerkend van al hierdie skole is. “There are an average of seven security guards at each high school” (2964). “It’s almost impossible to enforce academic standards in this kind of environment. It’s almost impossible to maintain even basic safety, except at an incredible cost” (3063). “Parents just pray their children come home in one piece” (3069).

Weens die invloei van swartes “property values were utterly dismantled, meaning the destruction of the work of a lifetime for working class white families” (961). “Too much had been invested in the cities to abandon them … How can we keep cities that represent the toil and sweat and invested labor and capital of generations from becoming ghost towns?” (3713). [‘n Soortgelyke vraag kan oor ‘n land soos Suid-Afrika gevra word. Maar in F Scott Fitzgerald se The great gatsby (1925) word na aanleiding van Lothrop Stoddard se boek (Praag 28.02.2015) gesê: “The white race … will be utterly submerged … it’s been proved” Kersey: “Chicago is the evidence” (3751).]

“After whites left, property values dropped in heavily black-areas of the city” (911). “Living in areas with few (if any) Black people is the surest indicator of high property value, quality schools, and low crime rates” (1150). “For local officials, crime is like the weather: Everyone talks about it, but they often feel they cannot really do much about it” (1745). “The cheapness of both life and property values is directly correlated to the almost exclusively black population found there” (1922); veral in Suid-Chicago. “Residents slept in their bathtubs to avoid bullets” (1933). “The slightest use of force screams ‘police brutality’ to this community” (2041).

Oorverligte blankes en swartes “place all blame for black failure and dysfunction on anyone but black people themselves” (449). “Everything blacks do is but a function of something that whites are doing to them, or something that whites are failing to do for them” (1127). “The world order … mandates that all failures of the Black community be blamed on the lingering effects of slavery, the persistent and entrenched perfidy of white racism, and, of course, white privilege” (1291). Kersey verwys na ‘n geval van “blaming Pilgrims [Founding Fathers] and Sarah Palin for the high levels of Black violence in the Second City” (3493). New York is “the First City”.

“The poor have always been with us, but not the levels of violent crime that exist today in the ghettos of Chicago and the rest of America” (534). “Doesn’t crime correlate to poverty? Nope … Black people create both poverty and crime” (1251). “Plenty of white people in America live in poverty, but crime rates are nowehere near that of black America – in Chicago or any city for that matter” (3373). Veralgemenend kan gesê word ‘n derde van Chicago se bevolking is swart, maar hulle is vir driekwart van die misdaad verantwoordelik.

“The state … had ceded authority to Organized Blackness because of the fear of either black riots or black boycotts in white areas of the city” (575). “There is no reform possible when the State is held captive by the fear of black riots or black boycotts unleashed by Organized Blackness” (683).

‘n Algemene verskynsel is “blaming ‘apartheid’ (one of the most overused words by leftists now) for the problems that Black people cause in their communities” (1143). “The reality is that blacks as a bloc want racial preferences, government aid, racial redistribution of wealth” (3197). “Any negative action of Black people isn’t representative of their entire race, while conversely, any negative action by a white person is representative of their entire race and the guilt is equally shared and distributed among all white people” (3594).

In Kersey se teks is die formulering dikwels nie na wense nie en daar is te veel herhaling. Die redigering laat veel te wense oor. Nogtans sluit die outeur sy boek sterk af in die nawoord. Chicago is volgens hom vernietig weens die migrasie van swartes uit die suidelike state en omdat baie van hulle sedertdien op staatstoelaes oorleef/floreer. Dié situasie is nie uitsluitlik die skuld van swartes nie. “It was white people who let this situation occur – and still do” (3766). Martin Luther King “led an effort to desegregate Chicago neighborhoods in the summer of 1966” (3783). “Chicago’s white neighborhoods were ultimately broken with the efforts of ‘organizers’ like Saul Alinsky” (3794).

“White Americans must make three critical realizations. First, they exist, as a people, as the core population that created the country, and as a collective entity with real interests that deserve representation. Second, other peoples, especially blacks, simply can not maintain the kind of civilization [culture?] that whites created, and a successful city can not be transferred over to a foreign people without dire consequences. Finally, restrictive covenants and other legal protections for whites were designed to prevent precisely what has happened in the Chicago of today. Whites, if they want to have decent communities for their families, must insist that the community has a collective right to defend its own existence” (3799).

“White privilege is a lie” (3805). “Whites, as a people, are powerless. Any white with power survives only insofar as he agrees to serve as a collaborator, a quisling, a traitor. Equality is a fiction. Diversity is a disaster. Multiculturalism is a cancer. If a city is to be anything more than a playground for the rich and a holding pen for the poor, it requires collective action. More than that, it requires that whites simply refuse to accept a morality that mandates they must be destroyed” (3811).

Kersey verwys na Ayn Rand (Praag 23 Januarie) se “Sanction of the Victim”: “In today’s world, it is the very people who are oppressed and crushed by state power who are told that they deserve it. Whites chased out of their communities, beaten in the streets, and openly despised by their government are told they are ‘privileged’. Most believe it. They may complain occassionally, let off some steam after having a few beers [wanneer vleis gebraai word], maybe even whisper some quiet words of dissent (after looking over their shoulders carefully, as the oppressed have to do). Nonetheless, they really believe they do not have the right to protest what is being done to them” (3817).

“White Americans don’t need an extreme ideology, fanatical racism, or revolutionary slogans … Whites simply need to lay down the ‘white man’s burden’ [Rudyard Kipling’s poem] of paying for people who despise them. Whites don’t need to hurt other people, rule other people, or dispossess other people. They simply need the right to be left alone [ie freedom] – and build cities like the Chicago that once was … that future will only arrive if whites have the courage – and common sense – of their forebears and can cast off a poisonous ideology of egalitarianism designed to enslave them” (3823).

“Whites have the right to defend their communities from being dispossessed. They have the right to build safe schools. They have the right to be safe from … criminals. They have the right to defend themselves. They have the right to govern themselves, not be governed by the people they involuntarily have to support. Chicago doesn’t have to be this way. America doesn’t have to be this way. The world doesn’t have to be this way. And we don’t need ‘white supremacy’ … to change the world. White Americans simply have to declare – and be willing to defend – a simple proclamation. ‘Let my people go'” (3829), oftewel “Laat my volk gaan” (Eksodus 8:1).

Of moet ons eerder polities korrek reageer? Chicago is geruïneer. Moenie die Obamas die skuld gee nie. Suid-Afrika is opgedonder. Moenie die Mandelas die skuld gee nie. Op Robbeneiland kon hulle nie die land verwoes nie. Hulle moes eers vryheid beërwe. Die stelsel moet die skuld kry. Die stelsel is altyd wit; selfs wanneer pers tot swart bewimpel word. “Hemel behoede die fyngesnaarde wat drie-uur soggens wakker lê aan die suidpunt van Afrika” (Lien Botha, Wonderboom, Kaapstad: Queillerie, 2015, p 60).

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